worship

Religious Identity in Rome

oglesby@uoregon.edu

A key feature defining Roman society is their devout practice of religion and it’s pervasive presence in all aspects of Roman life. The Romans in part defined the essence of “Roman-ness” by their religious practice, as Cicero said “We Romans are far superior in religio, by which I mean, the worship of the gods.”(Warrior, 1.1) In addition to helping give definition to what it meant to be roman in general, religion also contributed to the structure societal hierarchies. At the top levels of society generals and leaders of state were devout and would ask for favor before taking actions. This is exemplified in Cicero’s On Behalf of Murena (Warrior, 4.6) where he opens a legal defense with a prayer of petition to the gods on behalf of the man he is defending. There are many examples of generals asking for the blessings of the gods before going into battle or during war such as the prayer Livy attributes to Scipio before he invaded Africa (Warrior, 4.7). This happened often enough to be parodied in literature such as the slave in Plautus’ Persian mocking the prayer of thanksgiving given by the victorious general (Warrior,4.8).

In times of trouble religious ritual was used to promote unity. When the Romans went to war with Aantiochus, Livy records that the senate declared a time of public prayer (supplicatio) for victory. (Warrior, 4.17) This shows that not only the prayers of individuals were needed to gain the favor of the gods but also Rome as a collective, this type of thinking would certainly help unite Rome. Another example of this given by Livy is when a lectisternium (religious festival where statues of gods were place on draped couches outside and worshiped) to beg for pax deorum (peace of the gods) while Rome was stricken with plague. The health and success of the state was directly tied to the religious practice of individuals, households, and groups. Sometimes religious leaders shaped public action, such as the example given by Cicero in On the Nature of the Gods. When a vitium (error) was made in the election of the consuls, some of the most powerful men in Rome, and they were told to step down by the haruspices (diviners or soothsayers) and they did (Warrior, 1.26). The thought of retaining their rank and power despite the religious implications was unthinkable to them.

The defining nature of religion could also be seen in voluntary associations, or collegium. In a letter to Pliny responding to a request to form a group of firefighters the emperor Trajan says “Whatever we name them and for whatever purpose we grant people to come together, in short order they become political and religious brotherhoods.”(Reasoner, pp. 145) Not only did non religious groups take on a religious slant, but there were many groups devoted to Gods or for religious association explicitly. These groups show that people chose to define themselves and their groups religiously.

The Cult of Isis

thatcher@uoregon.edu

The cult of Isis has a large complex history spanning thousands of years continuing at least until the early 1st century and maybe after. Isis gained support due to the large trading network created by Alexander and the Roman Empire allowing for Egyptian merchants to spread their beliefs. Isis was a powerful deity and certainty had the resume to back it up. Interestingly though because the gods she is most commonly associated with are not very similar. It seems as if as Isis spread changing names throughout the ancient world her cults and beliefs we’re divided up into many different names like Demeter, Gaia, Hera, or any number. Leading up to the Common Era Isis cults claimed her to be a mother like goddess where she would be the “daughter of Kronos” and “mother of Horus” who is associated with Apollo (Isis Aretalogy). This shows how integratable, flexible, and malleable the Greek religion was and how many of these cultures had very similar religious beliefs. Because not only was Isis worshipped so was many other Asia Minor deities such as Hadad, Ba’al, and even Judaism had places of worship in some places.

Isis is interesting because the two examples of praise for Isis are a little different because one is for a specific reason and the other seems to be a more broad statement as if to say in front of an assembly. The hymn there is a straight forward to provide a sailor or merchant safe passage over waters. It is interesting though because in the praising not only is Isis associated with Greek deities but also Syrian, Lycian, and Assyrian ones. I think that aspect speaks most to the similarity and reaching influence of Greek and Roman identity. The aretalogy is a different story because it is integrated by Greek and Egyptian mythos but speaks to the resume of Isis. One thing that comes through is the powerful identity associated with her and her ever-reaching kingdom even being called the “mightiest” of gods in the hymn. Isis can influence many different things and she is normally given praise in the name of other deities it seems and being called “many named” in the hymn is reasoning to believe this. Isis can be in charge of justice, the moon, sun, underworld, the cosmos, and many more. I’m not sure what it means but it would seem that Isis’ influence must have been very powerful in cultic circles if they truly thought of her as mother of Apollo and things like that.

I can see how Isis was a powerful rival with Jesus just because both have much to offer but it is almost a polytheistic attempt of matching monotheism. Isis could provide all the things Jesus could theoretically but she represented a polytheistic worldview. Jesus really changed the religious system of the Asia Minor and Mediterranean into monotheism creating a negative view of polytheistic rituals. Isis provided a way for polytheism to still preform cultic rituals.

The Healer and Savior Asclepius.

jeromej

In the temple of Asclepius there is an ivory and gold statue that is half the size of the statue of Zeus in Athens. This statue of Asclepius depicts him sitting on a throne; in one hand he wields a staff, and the other he holds above the head of a serpent. Across from the temple is where the god’s suppliants sleep. Within the Tholos (Round House) there stood several slabs inscribed with the names of people Asclepius had healed and what he had healed them from. After entering the sanctuary, the suppliant would fall asleep and await a vision from the god. The general pattern of the healing was that the god would approach the infirmed in dream and then promise to heal the wound.  When day came, the suppliant would awake and find himself healed exactly as it had been seen in the vision. Sometimes snakes would carry out the healings for Asclepius, as seen in the selection from Aristophanes’ Wealth (Warrior 112). Disease and sickness were daily realities for everyone in the Hellenistic era, and even more so for those living in highly populated cities such as Athens and Rome. The Roman historian Livy observes that a plague running through Rome was a serious threat (Warrior 260). To have a god of healing present in the city would be of great benefit.

Aristides seems to have a very personal and direct relationship with Asclepius. He writes as though Asclepius speaks in an audible voice concerning his ailments and healings. In the story of how his tumor on his leg is healed, the doctors and other people have no communication with the god. Aristides is the only one who can hear the god’s divine guidance towards healing. Most often he refers to Asclepius as the God, but other times he uses the term “Savior” (Pg. 224 line 7) or even “Lord” (228 line 24).  This highly personal relationship operates very differently from the divine-human relationships of the Classical Age.  The first major difference is that in the case of Asclepius it is the god who initiates the interaction. Instead of Aristides going to a temple or festival, he is met by the god in his dreams wherever he may be. Additionally, Aristides is healed before any form of sacrifice is made, if one is even made at all. This contrasts to the Classical Age cults, where an offering had to be made on the human’s side if there was any hope of the gods acting benevolently.

Based on the readings, it seems to me that ancient medicine and religion were at odds with one another and didn’t mix well. This sentiment is best captured when Aristides tumor has been healed, and the doctors insist that the only way for the remaining skin to finish healing was by surgery.  Aristides states that the doctors “thought it right that I grant this, for now the God’s part had been done. He did not even allow them this… And he brought everything back together, so that after a few days had passed, no one was able to find on which thigh the tumor had been, but they were both unscarred in every respect” (Aristides 220 line 67-68). While some of his ailments would be cured by use of drugs or remedies, the cure was always attributed to the work of the god and never a result of ancient medicine.