When discussing the role of inquisition in the fight against heresy, intention becomes a topic of tricky distinction. While the general desire was that of rehabilitation as the inquisitors were tasked with herding lost sheep, the struggles for power cannot be denied. As heretics ultimately stood as a symbol of opposition towards the church, their existence could not be accepted or allowed. This underlying factor can be seen driving escalation of force.

In 1184, Pope Lucian III presented his decree, Ad abolendam, a thorough plan of action to be taken against heretics. He included the instructions for parishes suspected of heresy to be visited twice a year. He also was responsible for including the pursuit of legal action against heretics. By getting the law involved, the church was no longer directly culpable for any potential bloodshed while still achieving their goal.

Pope Innocent III was the first to link spiritual sin with legal crime through his writing, Vergentis in senium. He then proceeds this with Cum ex officii nostri [1207] which requests that heretics be taken to court. Not only that, it also required that all their property be taken by the church. This was used to deal with the long standing problem of Languedoc, as the frustration of the pope can be witnessed through escalating measures. He then was responsible for the Fourth Lateran Council [1215] which issued 70 canons of various issues, not limited to Trinitarian Theology and the punishments for heresy. Also included was a provision requiring Christians to confess at least once a year, a measure to help weed out heretics.

By the Council of Toulouse [1229], it is evident that the issue of heresy most certainly is still present as with the guidance of Pope Gregory IX, 18 more canons were issued. At this point, violence is seen creeping deeper into the realms of heresy hunting: The homes and buildings of heretics were to be destroyed. However, the goal was still seemingly rehabilitation and prevention as more confessions are asked [3 times a year], repentant heretics are called to relocate and wear a cross as a sign of their indiscretion, and they attempt to prohibit the possession of biblical texts. Two years prior to the council, Pope Gregory IX did something very important: He assigned Conrad of Marburg and Robert le Bolgre to the roles of inquisitors. These two individuals were single-handedly responsible for establishing much of the negative and disturbing imagery typically associated with the inquisitions. Conrad in particular was quick to force confessions abominable and demonic practices. While acts of violence were common between the two [i.e. a simultaneously execution of 180 people supposedly occurred], it’s uncharacteristic of inquisition as a whole. Burnings were seen as failures as it meant the individuals had not been rehabilitated into “good Christians.”

With the shift from accusatio to inquisitio, the church was able to isolate individuals and get them in positions where the anonymity encouraged people to rat on fellow heretics. Punishment, such as life imprisonment was significantly more likely than death, but just the very threat of punishment could be enough to get a “heretic” to confess. Because of the way inquisitors like Bernard Gui developed their strategies, one heretic could expose entire communities. Through the progression of time, more and more emphasis is placed on communal culpability for hiding heretics, which as we have seen historically, is a very effective strategy. When Bernard Gui discusses what separates heretics, he emphasizes several points: the role of the Eucharist, whether Jesus was human or not, the number of gods, the virgin birth, and the participation in particular habits, like the refusal to swear or excessive praying.