Bacchus

Superstitio and the Roman Suppression of the Bacchic Cult

Graeco-Roman religion was an incohesive system of overlapping sets of cult practices, myths, iconographic conventions, and philosophical propositions.  James B. Rives notes how this approach provided a framework within which new traditions could be incorporated almost indefinitely and with minimum conflict.[i] It is thus intriguing when Roman rule would restrict, repress, and even criminalize certain religious traditions and behaviors.  An overarching commonality between these various restricted traditions is their status as superstitio. As we shall see, these practices were labeled with this term for a variety of reasons.  These motivations ranged from a fear of disturbing the pax deorum in a strongly religious sense to a fear of political subversion as a means of conspiracy.  The incidence of 186 B.C.E. and the Roman suppression of Bacchic rites is a comprehensive example of the various ways superstitio was used to maintain the pax Romana. This study will first examine the difficulties in defining the term superstitio as it was used in the era surrounding the second century B.C.E.  After this, I shall establish a brief survey of the cult’s history leading up to its suppression in 186. This history will lay the ground work for how the accounts of Livy and the Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus are to be read, and furthermore their understanding of the threats that superstitio posed to the Roman Empire.

220px-Sarcophagus_with_Scenes_of_Bacchus_-_Getty_Villa_-_CollectionThe original significance of superstitio is uncertain. It seems that under Greek influence it has come to have much of the same connotations as deisidaimonia, which literally means “fear of the divine”. As Rives accurately points out, superstitio and deisidaimonia do not have clear cut meanings even in ancient Roman times. They are instead evaluative terms for whatever religious behavior people regarded as improper, unacceptable, or incorrect.[ii] Not only were these superstitious behaviors improper, but they also presented genuine threats to the peace of the Roman Empire. The first way that that superstitio was seen as dangerous was its potential to upset the pax deorum. Simply put, cultic rites labeled as superstitio represented potential neglect and insult to the true Roman gods who wanted only proper sacrifices, without which the prosperity of Rome would suffer greatly.[iii] Conversely, many scholars have argued that the real threat superstitio posed to the Roman social order was primarily political in nature. Dale B. Martin asserts that “Roman superstitio differed somewhat from Greek deisidaimonia in the Roman emphasis on the political threat posed by superstition to the Roman state and people.”[iv] The Bacchic cult that would eventually establish itself in Rome is a prime example of how superstitio could threaten both religious peace and political order. Before this point is further explored, we must first trace the history of the mystery cult and how it arrived at its menacing state by 186 B.C.E.

Dionysus

The Greek God Dionysus

Worship of the god Dionysus existed well before Euripides’ wrote the Bacchae, but the rites described in his play become more renowned by the end of the fifth century B.C.E.  There are two initials problems that one must keep in mind when reading the Bacchae: first, whether this play reflects actual religious practice before Euripides’ own time, and second, whether the Bacchae itself becomes the source from which subsequent Bacchic ritual is derived.[v] While these are important questions to keep in consideration, the Bacchae nevertheless highlights several key aspects of Bacchic rites that would be evident by the time of the persecution in 186. One characteristic of these rights is the emphasis on mystery initiations within the cult.[vi] Another feature is that women had exclusive roles within the cult. An inscription from Miletus from circa 276 B.C.E confirms the existence of Maenadic associations in some Greek cities. It describes both men and women participating in the cultic rites at a public level, yet restricting the more frenzied were restricted to women only.[vii] Writing from the mid first century B.C.E., Diodorus of Sicily testifies to how many of the rites held in various Greek cities.[viii] He distinguishes between rites of the virgins and the rites of the married women participants, and how some of these rites took place at night. These accounts demonstrate the increasing presence of Bacchic initiations and their eventual founding in Rome proper by the time they ultimately came to the attention of the Roman government in 186 B.C.E

We have two main sources for understanding the events that transpired during the incident of Roman suppression of Bacchic rites in the second century: An account from the historian Livy and a Bronze copy of the Roman Senate’s decree (Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus). These accounts are not without their own biases, and several scholars rightly state that they should be treated with discretion.[ix] Nevertheless, these accounts illuminate the different ways in which traditions deemed superstitio could threaten the peace of the empire. First of all, Livy’s account is very informative on how Superstitio related to upholding the pax deorum.

Titus Livius Patavinus (64 or 59 BC – AD 17)

Titus Livius Patavinus (64 or 59 BC – AD 17)

“I have thought that these warning should be given to so that no superstitious fears (superstitio) disturb your minds when you see us destroying the Bacchic shrines and breaking up wicked assemblies. This we will do if the gods are favorable and willing.”[x]

Livy is addressing the fear that some Roman’s might have with the notion of destroying a religious site. Even if certain citizens didn’t personally participate in Bacchic rites, they would still be fine with acknowledging the reality and existence of the deity. By labeling Bacchic rites as superstitio, Livy and the Roman government are able to destroy the shrines to Bacchus without fear of upsetting the pax deorum because the gods only acknowledge proper pious rites.

Not only did superstitio represent a threat to religious order, but many scholars argue that its primary threat was political in nature. This aspect is seen through the many provisions made in the Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus. Most notable of these provisions are the prohibitions that “No man is to be a priest. No man or woman is to be an official. Nor are any of them to have a common fund… No one shall perform rites in the presence of more than five persons altogether, both male and female. Nor shall more than two men and three women be present, unless this is in accordance with the urban praetor”[xi]

Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus

Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus

 

A Greek inscription from Phykos in central Greece shows how these regulated thiasos consisting of both men and women continued to operate into the second century C.E.[xii] Celia E. Schultz rightly observes how the fact that the politically disenfranchised were permitted to continue worship of Dionysus in a restricted fashion further underlines the political nature of the crisis of 186.[xiii]  The sanctions against the cult are markedly targeted towards restricting the influence of male participation, because only men at the time could potentially have any political pull. Richard Gordon similarly argues in a broader sense outside of the crisis of 186 that superstitio was used to maintain the imagined community of the dominating socio-political elite.[xiv] Furthermore, Livy’s account is filled with legalistic terms describing the incident as a conspiracy (coniuratio).[xv] The invocation of these term supplements the existing evidence that the Senate perceived the threat of the Bacchic superstitio as political in nature.

One final aspect of Roman peace that the superstitious Bacchic rites threatened was the upholding of traditional Roman mores (mos maiorum). Women clearly played a leading role within the cultic rites, and their authority possibly challenged traditional male leadership.  Kraemer suggests that the Bacchanalia might reveal the fears of the Roman government when women begin to obtain too much autonomy.[xvi] Schultz, on the other hand, argues that gender was not a primary concern in the crisis of 186. The senate, she argues, took a “lukewarm interest in curbing female participation in the cult.”[xvii] Nevertheless, the Bacchic superstitio clearly represented a clear threat to traditional Roman mores in the eyes of Livy and the Senate.

Thus, the history of the Roman suppression of Bacchic rights provides a ready model for understanding how superstitio was understood as a threat to the Roman Empire. It was employed against the Bacchic worshipers for religious reason in order to maintain the pax deorum. Other scholars have argued how superstitio was an evaluative term used to manage threats to political order. Finally, there are some scholars who demonstrate how certain religions labeled as superstitio threatened the mos maiorum of traditional Roman rule.

 


[i] James B. Rives, Religion in the Roman Empire. (Oxford:  Blackwell Publishing, 2007), 183.

[ii] Rives, Roman Empire, 184.

[iii] Ross Shepard Kraemer, Her Share of the Blessings: Women’s Religions among Pagans, Jews, and Christians in the Greco-Roman World. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 44.

[iv] Dale B. Martin, Inventing Superstition: From Hippocratics to the Christians. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2004), 126.

[v] Kraemer, Blessings, 38.

[vi] Ibid., 40.

[vii] Hugh Bowden, Mystery Cults of the Ancient World. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 121.

[viii] Ross Shepard Kraemer, ed. Women’s Religions in the Greco-Roman World: A Sourcebook. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 27-28.

[ix] Kraemer, Blessings, 43-44.

[x] Valerie M. Warrior, Roman Religion: A Sourcebook. (Newburyport, MA: Focus Publishing, 2002), Livy 39.16.6-12

[xi] Warrior, ILS 18; 511, CIL 1.2.581

[xii] Mary Beard, John North, and Simon Price, Religions of Rome. Vol. 2. (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 291.

[xiii] Celia E. Schultz, Women’s Religious Activity in the Roman Republic. (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 90.

[xiv] Richard Gordon “Superstitio, Superstition and Religious Repression in the Late Roman Republic and Principate (100 BCE-300 CE)” In Past & Present, pp. 72–94. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 74-75.

[xv] Warrior, Livy 39.8.1.

[xvi] Kraemer, Blessings, 46.

[xvii] Schultz, Women’s Religious Activity, 92.

 

Annotated Bibliography

Beard, Mary, John North, and Simon Price. Religions of Rome. 2 vols. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

The Greek inscription from Phykos was the only text I came across that commented on Bacchic rites as they were observed after the crisis. I found it to be an illuminating example of the continued observance of Bacchic worship.

 

Bowden, Hugh. Mystery Cults of the Ancient World. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010.

Bowden’s chapter on Dionysus was the foundational introduction for me. His succinct summary of the Bacchae is what initially drew my interest towards the cultic rites made in honor of Dionysus. The chapter on Dionysus briefly touched on the crisis of 186, and there was little information on the subject of superstitio. Nevertheless, his insights were more helpful in establishing the history leading up to the mystery cult’s confrontation with the Roman Senate.  Specifically, Bowden touched on many pieces of evidence for the cult’s real life practices, such as the inscription from Miletus. Most importantly, this chapter was the most detailed secondary account that described the ecstatic and frenzied nature of the cultic worshipers of Dionysus.

 

Gordon, Richard. “Superstitio, Superstition and Religious Repression in the Late Roman Republic and Principate (100 BCE-300 CE)” In Past & Present, pp. 72–94. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.

Gordon’s focus obviously falls outside of the crisis in 186 B.C.E. since his study doesn’t start until roughly 80 years after the incident. However, His commentary on how superstitio functioned as a means of maintaining imagined political communities was an enlightening perspective to apply to the Bacchanalia. His article also aligned with Rives’ definition of superstitio in the sense that is was not a clear cut definitive term, but rather it is evaluative in nature.

 

Kraemer, Ross Shepard, ed. Women’s Religions in the Greco-Roman World: A Sourcebook. New York: Oxford University Press, 2004.

The account from Diodorus of Sicily was mentioned in some of the secondary sources, so Kraemer’s translation of the text was a valuable resource in establishing and understanding the Bacchic rites practiced in Greek cities.  Furthermore, her introductory commentary provided a few wise points of caution in reading Diodorus’ description of women worshiping Dionysus. Most importantly was the uncertainty of his credibility as he relies heavily on the previous works of other authors. Nevertheless, his commentary provides a unique and insightful view into potential Maenadic rituals.

 

Kraemer, Ross Shepard. Her Share of the Blessings: Women’s Religions among Pagans, Jews, and Christians in the Greco-Roman World. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.

Kraemer’s chapter on Dionysus is the most extensive secondary treatment I found on the Bacchanalia and the crisis of 186. One of the more helpful points of her work was her insights on the bias and contradictions of the primary sources that recall the events of 186 B.C.E. More specifically, the conflicting timeline that Livy presents for the arrival of Bacchic rites compared to other sources and evidence was an important concept I had never realized.  Furthermore, Kraemer offered the most detailed insight into how the Bacchanalia threatened the pax deorum as a form of superstitio.

 

Martin, Dale B. Inventing Superstition: From Hippocratics to the Christians. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2004.

Like Gordon’s article, I found Martin’s book to be helpful in defining superstitio in the broad sense of its application.  This book’s focus was more towards the application of superstitio to the Christian tradition a few centuries later. However, Martin provided valuable insights into the distinction between the Greek use of deisidaimonia and the Latin use of superstitio. From my earlier studies in the course I knew that the two terms were closely related. This book provided a more detailed understanding of that relationship.

 

Rives, James B. Religion in the Roman Empire. Oxford:  Blackwell Publishing, 2007.

This text offered the most macroscopic view of Roman religious regulation, and its specific use of superstitio to identify and control traditions that threaten Roman social order.  His definition of the term superstitio was the most succinct and encompassing one that I found in my research.

 

Schultz, Celia E. Women’s Religious Activity in the Roman Republic. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 2006.

Schultz was an invaluable resource in understanding the political nature of the Suppression of Bacchic rites.  Her commentary on the Senate’s decree was by far the most detailed amongst my research.  Without her thorough analysis of this text I would have entirely missed the language that targeted the male participants of the cult. Additionally, she was very convincing in her assertion that the empowerment of women in the cult was not a primary driving force in the Senate’s crackdown on Bacchic rites.

 

Warrior, Valerie M. Roman Religion: A Sourcebook. Newburyport, MA: Focus Publishing, 2002.

This was the primary source book for accounts detailing the events occurring in 186. Warrior comments on Livy’s history also provided valuable insight into the political tones underlying his historical account.

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