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Aleksandr Chaianov, a prominent theorist of peasant or village culture, described the static peasant way of life as a distinct “mode of production.” This concept challenged the orthodox Marxist and Leninist view, which denied the existence of an independent “village” mode of production. Susan Solomon, in The Soviet Agrarian Debate (UO), notes that Chaianov has been labelled a “neo-populist,” while Katerina Clark, in her work “The City versus the Countryside in Soviet Peasant Literature of the Twenties: A Duel of Utopias,” explores the neo-Slavophile aspects of his thought. To fully understand Chaianov’s theoretical contributions or shortcomings, one must consider the profound changes affecting rural populations during the early phases of industrialization.
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Chernyshevskii, Nikolai Gavrilovich
Belinsky, Vissarion Grigoryevich, Nikolay Gavrilovich Chernyshevsky, and N. A Dobroliubov. 1976 (1962). Belinsky, Chernyshevsky, and Dobrolyubov : Selected Criticism. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Chernyshevsky, Nikolay Gavrilovich, and Michael R Katz. 1989. What Is to Be Done? Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Chernyshevsky, Nikolay Gavrilovich. 2002. Selected Philosophical Essays. Honolulu, Hawaii: University Press of the Pacific.
Churchill, Winston
Churchill, Winston. 1931. The Unknown War : The Eastern Front. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Curzon, George Nathaniel
Curzon, George Nathaniel. 1967. Russia in Central Asia in 1889 and the Anglo-Russian Question. New York: Barnes & Noble.
Dedication:
“To the great army of Russophobes who mislead others, and Russophiles who are misled, I dedicate this book—one that equally disrespects the ignoble fears of the former and the perverse complacency of the latter.”
“Curzon’s controversial public service career spanned from the zenith of the British Empire to the tumultuous years following World War I. As Viceroy of India under Queen Victoria and Foreign Secretary under King George V, the obsessive and tempestuous Lord Curzon left an indelible mark on his era. His remarkable public career was matched by a turbulent private life, marked by infamous vendettas, enduring friendships, and passionate, often risky love affairs.
Born into the ruling class of what was then the world’s greatest power, Curzon was a fervent believer in British imperialism and spent his life proving his fitness for the task. His prodigious energy made him the most traveled minister ever to sit in a British cabinet, a prolific writer on Asia, and a compulsive restorer of ancient buildings in Britain and India.”
— Jacket blurb on David Gilmour’s book.
Gilmour, David. 2003. Curzon: Imperial Statesman. 1st American ed. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Daly, Jonathan and Leonid Trofimov, editors
Daly, Jonathan W, and Leonid Trofimov. 2009. Russia in War and Revolution, 1914-1922: A Documentary History. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub.
Dawson, Coningsby
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Dawson, Coningsby. 1917. Carry on: Letters in War-Time. New York, London, Toronto: John Lane Company; John Lane, the Bodley Head; S.B. Gundy.
Coningsby Dawson was a British-born Canadian writer, soldier, and artillery officer who served during World War I. Known for his poignant and patriotic writings, Dawson often explored themes of sacrifice and national spirit, reflecting on the impact of war on the soul of a nation. His work resonated with a deep sense of duty and a belief in the moral and spiritual growth that could emerge from the horrors of conflict.
British artillery officer Dawson once wrote that “bigness of soul” is what defines a nation’s greatness. He described the war as a prolonged moment of exultation for many, where men, driven by the noble indignation of a great ideal, confronted horrors worse than any fanatic could devise. These men perished in unimaginable ways—scorched like moths in a furnace, blown to atoms, gassed, and tortured—yet others continually stepped forward, fully aware of the fate that awaited them. Though bodies may perish, Dawson believed the spirit of England grew stronger with each soul that departed.
This letter expressed a controlled yet bitter complaint about the United States’ reluctance to join the war, highlighting what Dawson saw as the superficiality of American popular culture—”Money, comfort, limousines, and ragtime.” He expressed disdain for the frivolity of Fifth Avenue, with its “pretty faces, fashions, and smiling frivolity,” warning that America, like all cowardly civilizations, would perish unless it embraced the sacrifices that history now demanded. Dawson measured England’s superior greatness by the number of casualties it could endure, seeing a direct correlation between the number of lives lost and the strength of the English spirit. To him, with each soldier’s death, the soul of the nation grew.
Day, Richard B., and Gaido, Baniel, editors
Day, Richard B, and Daniel Gaido. 2011. Discovering Imperialism : Social Democracy to World War I. Leiden, Biggleswade: Brill ; Extenza Turpin distributor.
Degras, Jane, editor
Degras, Jane. 1948. Calendar of Soviet Documents on Foreign Policy, 1917-1941. Compiled.
Degras, Jane. 1951-1953. Soviet Documents on Foreign Policy. London: Oxford University Press.
Degras, Jane. 1951. Soviet Documents on Foreign Policy, 1917-1941. Vol. 1 1917-24. Oxford University Press.
Royal institute of international affairs (GB). 1952. Soviet Documents on Foreign Policy, Selected and Edited by Jane Degras, Vol. 2, 1925-1932. London: Oxford University Press.
Degras, Jane. 1953. Soviet Documents on Foreign Policy, 1917-1941. Oxford University Press.
Degras, Jane. 1956-1965. The Communist International, 1919-1943. Documents. Selected and Edited by Jane Degras. 3 vol. Oxford University Press: London.
De Leon, Daniel
De Leon, Daniel, and James Madison. 1932. James Madison and Karl Marx: A Contrast and a Similarity. 3rd ed. New York City: New York labor News.
Denikin, Anton Ivanovich
Denikin, Anton Ivanovich. 1922. The Russian Turmoil; Memoirs: Military, Social, and Political. New York: E.P. Doran.
Denikin, Anton Ivanovich. 1973. The White Army. Westport, Conn: Hyperion Press.
Dixon, William Hepworth
Dixon, William Hepworth. 1867. New America. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott.
Dixon, William Hepworth. 1870. Free Russia. New York: Harper & Bros.
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Barry, Herbert, and William Hepworth Dixon. 1871. Russia in 1870. London: Wyman & Sons.
Barry, Herbert. 1870. Russian Metallurgical Works : Iron, Copper, and Gold. London: Effingham Wilson.
Barry, Herbert. 1872. Ivan at Home; or, Pictures of Russian Life. London: Pub. Co.
Dobranitskii, Mechislav
Dobranitskii, Mechislav. “Zelenye partizany (1918-1920 gg.) [Green partisans (1918-1920)].” In Proletarskaia revoliutsiia no. 8-9 (31-32): 73-75.
Dobranitskii, Mechislav. 1926. Sistematicheskii ukazatel’ literatury po istorii russkoi revoliutsiii. Moskva: Gos. izd-vo.
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Dorr, Rheta Childe
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Dorr, Rheta Childe. 1917. Inside the Russian Revolution. New York, NY: Macmillan Company.
Dorr, Rheta Childe. 1918. A Soldier’s Mother in France. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill.
Dostoevskii, Fedor Mikhailovich LOOP
Dostoyevsky, Fyodor, and David Patterson. 1988. Winter Notes on Summer Impressions. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press.
Dostoyevsky, Fyodor. 2009. Notes from the Underground. Waiheke Island: Floating Press.
Dostoyevsky, Fyodor. 2022. The Possessed (the Devils) : A Novel in Three Parts. Bengaluru: True Sign Publishing House.
Dostoyevsky, Fyodor, Susan McReynolds Oddo, Constance Garnett, and Ralph E Matlaw. 2011. The Brothers Karamazov : A Revised Translation, Contexts, Criticism. 2nd ed. New York: W.W. Norton.
Drahomaniv, Mykhailo Petrovych [Dragomanov, Mikhail Petrovich]
Drahomaniv, Mykhaĭlo Petrovych. 1905-1906. Sobranīe politicheskikh sochinenīi. Paris: Societe nouvelle de Librarie et d’Edition.
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Durnovo, Petr Nikolaevich
Aldanov, Mark. 1971 “P. N. Durnovo – Prothet of War and Revolution.” In The Russian Revolution of 1917 : Contemporary Accounts, edited by Dimitri von Mohrenschildt, 62–74. New York: Oxford University Press.
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Dziewanowski, M. K., ed. 1970. The Russian Revolution; an Anthology. New York: Crowell.
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Emin, Ahmed. 1930. Turkey in the World War. New Haven, Conn., London: Yale University Press ; OUP for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Division of Economics and History.
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Engelbrecht, H. C., Frank Cleary Hanighen, and Harry Elmer Barnes. 1934. Merchants of Death: A Study of the International Armament Industry. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co.
This book represents the archetype of post–World War I revisionism, particularly focused on exposing those who profited immensely from the war machine. It became the manifesto of a generation determined to prevent another such conflict. However, what makes this work especially noteworthy is that it was co-authored by the founder of Human Events, a conservative weekly. This is not a left-wing critique of profiteering, but rather a careful, subtle, yet passionate attack on those who exploit government power for personal gain at the expense of others’ lives and property.
The book’s ideological stance is clear: “The arms industry did not create the war system. On the contrary, the war system created the arms industry… All constitutions in the world vest the war-making power in the government or in the representatives of the people. The root of the trouble, therefore, goes far deeper than the arms industry. It lies in the prevailing temper of peoples toward nationalism, militarism, and war, in the civilization which forms this temper and prevents any drastic and radical change. Only when this underlying basis of the war system is altered, will war and its concomitant, the arms industry, pass out of existence.”
This book is a prime example of what Rothbard called the “Old Right” at its best. Not only does it make a compelling case against the war machine, but it also provides a detailed history of war profiteering, making it a valuable resource for citation and academic study. It’s easy to see why this book had such a powerful impact.
So why re-release this book now, in 2011? Because war profiteers are thriving like never before, benefiting from conflict on an unprecedented scale. Everything the book warned about has not only come to pass but has worsened exponentially. This treatise is more essential now than ever. This represents the true heritage of the American Right.
Butler, Smedley D., and Adam Parfrey. 2003. War Is a Racket : The Antiwar Classic by America’s Most Decorated General, Two Other Anti-Interventionist Tracts, and Photographs from the Horror of It. [New ed.]. Port Townsend, WA: Feral House.
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Englund, Peter, and Peter Graves. 2011. The Beauty and the Sorrow: An Intimate History of the First World War. New York: Knopf.
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Fanon, Frantz. 1963. The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press.
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Fedorov, Nikolai Fedorovich
Fedorov, Nikolai. 1965. “The Restoration of Kinship Among Mankind.” In Ultimate Questions : An Anthology of Modern Russian Religious Thought, edited by Aleksandr Schmeman, 175-224. [1st ed.]. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Fedorov, Vladimir, editor
Fyodorov, Vladimir, and Synthia Carlile. 1988. The First Breath of Freedom. Moscow: Progress.
STUDENT REVIEW =
[This] is a compilation of translated primary source documents from the writings of the men who participated in the Decembrist movement and its earlier predecessor groups. The compiler, Vladimir Fyodorov, contributed a short chapter detailing important historical background of the movement, as well as brief historical introductions for each piece; otherwise, he simply lets the primary evidence speak for itself. The personal writings of the Decembrists provide the reader with a deeper and more complex understanding of their specific historical circumstance and perspectives, to a greater degree than most secondary sources would likely provide. This book allows the Decembrists to tell their own story, to justify their revolutionary actions, and to articulate their mission in a way that reflects the historical reality of the group. The documents include published writings, personal correspondences, records of investigative trials and procedures, diary entries, and other similar sources.
The first document presented is Mikhail Lunin’s “A Look at the Secret Society in Russia (1816-1826)” which was written after he had been sent into exile following the dismantling of the group, and this short piece touches on many of the overarching themes and ideas present in the other members’ writing, and also laid out the fundamental goals and ideals of the movement. For Lunin, the movement was rooted in a group of individuals affected by the influence of enlightenment ideals, and who saw themselves as the progressive champions of the public interest within an autocratic monarchical political system. The desire for the abolition of the system of serfdom, the establishment of a constitution that ensured the rights of Russia citizens, and the advancement of Russian politics and society into more modern form that reflected the contemporary civic movements of other European nations, all combined to ignite the passions of the men who would eventually challenge the Tzar. He also lends insight into an interesting aspect of the members of the Decembrist groups, which is that it was largely comprised of men of aristocratic origin. This characteristic contrasts with other popular European revolutions of the time, and always jumped out to me, personally, as strange. Lunin explained that their noble lineage had allowed the men to develop and grow their talents, and therefore they felt obligated to utilize those talents for the benefit of society as a whole. This sentiment was echoed repeatedly by other members, such as Pestel, Ryleyev [Ryleev], and both Muravyov [Murav’ev] brothers.
This collection of documents also lends insight into the complex personal relationships between the members of the group. Alexander Muravyov wrote a piece about his brother, Nikita, who became the head of the Northern Society, and the respect and admiration that he felt for his brother is palpable to the reader. Ivan Pushchin wrote a particularly moving piece about his great friend, the Russian poet Pushkin, that detailed the conflicting desires to invite his like-minded friend into the Society while at the same time wanting to protect the Society and a high-profile man who had a reputation for fiery emotions and questionable associations. Individual personalities and qualities can be uniquely distinguished, such as Pestel’s indelible energy, which is evident in the passion and excitement shown through all of his writings. Kakhovsky’s respectful appeal to the Tzar about the Russian people speaks to his resoluteness and certainty in his cause, even while enduring his sentence in exile. The first-hand documents also allow the reader to glimpse into the interpersonal dynamics of the revolutionaries, and trace the development of the organization and the shifts that occur both internally and externally.
Above all, First Breath of Freedom provides a complex and multi-faceted understanding of the Decembrist movement from first-hand perspective of the individuals who initiated a movement that challenged the legitimacy of autocratic rule in Russia. While ultimately unsuccessful, these documents prove that the Decembrists created a well-organized, civic-minded, and intensely passionate association of elite members who truly wanted to use their influence and intellect for the benefit of the whole of Russian society. A later document written by Lunin explains how their movement irreversibly changed the political environment of Russia, and despite the repressive efforts of the monarch, that there would be a new generation of ‘freedom fighters’, who could not forget the civic ideals that the Decembrist fought to earn, and who would themselves also fight for those ideals. In other words, the Decembrists lit a spark in the hearts of the Russian people that could not easily be extinguished.
Feldman, Gerald, editor
Feldman, Gerald, ed. 1972. German Imperialism, 1914-1918: The Development of a Historical Debate. New York: Wiley.
Feldman, Gerald. “War Aims, State Interventions, and Business Leadership in Germany.” In Great War, Total War : Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, edited by Roger Chickering, and Stig Förster. 358-367. Washington, D.C., Cambridge, UK: German Historical Institute ; Cambridge University Press, 2000.
Florenskii, Pavel Aleksandrovich
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Florovsky, Georges. 1987. Ways of Russian Theology. Vaduz, Belmont, Mass.: Büchervertriebsanstalt ; Notable & Academic Books.
Florovsky, Georgii. 1990. “In the World of Quests and Wanderings.” In A Revolution of the Spirit : Crisis of Value in Russia, 1890-1924, edited by Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, and Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak, 293-320. 2nd ed. New York: Fordham University Press.
Fonvizin, Denis Ivanovich
Fonvizin, Denis. “The Hsüeh Or That Great Learning Which Comprises Higher Chinese Philosophy.” In Russian Intellectual History and Its Historiography : Critical Remarks, edited by Marc Raeff, 227-246. Atlantic Highlands N.J. : Humanities Press , 1978.
Fonvizin, Denis. “A Discourse or Permanent Laws of State.” In Russian Intellectual History and Its Historiography : Critical Remarks, edited by Marc Raeff, 96-105. Atlantic Highlands N.J. : Humanities Press , 1978.
Francis, David Rowland
Francis, David R, Robert C Williams, Robert Lester, and United States Department of State. 1986. Russia in Transition : The Diplomatic Papers of David R. Francis, U.s. Ambassador to Russia, 1916-1918. Frederick, Md: University Publications of America.
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Clay, Catherine B. 1983. “Responsibility in an Untried Field: David Francis, Ambassador to Russia in War and Revolution 1916-1918.”Dissertation. University of Oregon.
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Freeze, Gregory L. 1988. From Supplication to Revolution : A Documentary Social History of Imperial Russia. New York: Oxford University Press.
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Gankin, Olga Hess. 1940. The Bolsheviks and the World War. Stanford, Calif: Stanford Univ. Press.
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Gershenzon, M. O. 1980. Tvorcheskoe samosoznanīe = Creative Self-Consciousness. Letchworth, Eng: Prideaux Press.
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Gershenzon, Mikhail. 1909. “Tvorcheskoe samosoznanie.” In Vekhi: Sbornik Stat’ei O Russkoi Intelligenzii, 70-96. Moskva: Mezhdunarodnaia assotsiatsiia deiateleĭ kulʹtury “Novoe vremia”.
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Gershenzon, Mikhail, James P Scanlan, and Edna Lippman Lief. 1986. A History of Young Russia. Irvine, Calif. (P.O. Box 5001, Irvine, Calif. 92716): Charles Schlacks Jr.
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Gessen, I. V. 1937. V Dvukh Vekakh : Zhiznennyi Otchet.
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Documents of Russian History, 1914-1917. Edited by Frank Golder, 1927. New York: Century.
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Golovin, Nikolai. 1926. Iz istorii kampanii 1914 na Russkom fronte. Praga: Plamia.
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Gotʹe, IU. V, and Terence Emmons. 1988. Time of Troubles : The Diary of Iurii Vladimirovich Got’e, Moscow, July 8, 1917 to July 1922. London: Tauris.
Graham, Stephen
Graham, Stephen. 1917. Russia in 1916. New York: Macmillan Company.
Hughes, Michael. 2014. Beyond Holy Russia : The Life and Times of Stephen Graham. Cambridge, UK: Open Book.
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Aleksandr I. Gučkov, and Nikolaj A. Bazili. 1993. Aleksandr Ivanovič Gučkov rasskazyvaet … : vospominanija predsedatelja Gosudarstvennoj Dumy i voennogo ministra vremennogo pravitelʹstva. Moskva: TOO Red. Žurnala Voprosy Istorii.
Documents of Russian History, 1914-1917, edited by Frank Golder. 1927. New York: Century.
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GURKO, Vladimir Iosifovich. 1918. Memories and Impressions of War and Revolution in Russia, 1914-1917 … with Maps and Illustrations. John Murray: London.
Gurko, Vladimir Iosifovich
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Hannah, James. 2000. The Great War Reader. College Station: Texas A & M University Press.
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Harcave, Sidney. 1965. First Blood: The Russian Revolution of 1905. London: Bodley Head.
Harcave, Sidney. 2004. Count Sergei Witte and the Twilight of Imperial Russia : A Biography. Armonk, NY: Sharpe.
STUDENT REVIEW =
TThe last decades if the Romanov dynasty saw serious threats to it’s existence, culminating in the revolution of 1917 that did finally topple the tsarist government. However, from 1879 until 1906, the state was served by a very energetic and capable administrator in the person of Sergei Witte. Witte served in a variety of posts within the government during his career, the most important as the first premier of Russia. His accomplishments are quite varied, and he was involved in many of the major developments in Russia during his tenure. Sidney Harcave’s biography of Witte is the first biography of Witte in the English Language. It is relatively short for such an important and active individual, being just 270 pages. The biography begins with Witte’s early life in Southern Russia. After completing his university degree in Mathematics at Odessa, he began his career as an executive for a private railroad based out of Odessa. From here he was appointed by Tsar Alexander III to a position in the Baranov Commission, with the intention of assessing the shortcomings of the rail system in Russia. From here he was appointed to head the department of railroad affairs, a huge leap in power, especially for someone as young as Witte. Subsequently, Witte was appointed Minister of Ways and Communications by Alexander, a post which allowed him direct access to the tsar. In 1892, Witte was appointed to the important position of Minister of Finance. In this capacity Witte was able to set policy for most economic activity in Russia. It was in this capacity that he also oversaw construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, with railroading being his area of expertise. Witte personally considered his greatest accomplishment as Minister of Finance overseeing Russia’s transition to the gold standard. In 1894, Alexander III dies and is succeeded by his son Nicholas II. While Alexander and Witte got along quite well, with both being confident and somewhat provincial in manner, Nicholas was a rather weak and refined tsar that often took offense at the manners of Witte. The relationship between the two would prove to be very problematic for Witte’s future career. In spite of this, Nicholas kept Witte as his Minister of Finance, both because of his mother’s influence and because of Witte’s reputation for hard work and competence. Because of Witte’s work on the Trans-Siberian Railway, he found himself immersed in Far East policy, and later disagreements over what direction to take in the East would lead to his first political downfall. Another important development of Witte’s during his tenure as Minister of Finance was the implementation of the so-called “Witte System,” a plan for industrialization based around the construction of railroads to spur economic growth. However, this system led to an incomplete industrial revolution in Russia. In 1903, Witte was abruptly dismissed by the tsar as Minister of Finance on the advice of Witte’s political rivals, primarily by Plehve and Bezobrazov. For the next two years Witte held positions of little importance, until selected by the tsar to head to peace delegation at Portsmouth to conclude the Russo-Japanese War. Though Russia had not fared well in the war, the agreement reached was very favorable to Russia, which greatly increased Witte’s prestige, and led to his becoming Premier of the newly reformed Council of Ministers, a position similar to that of Prime Minister, on his return to Russia. In this position Witte was able to convince the tsar of the necessity of the October Manifesto and was able to overhaul the Fundamental Laws. However, he faced intense opposition by those both within and without his cabinet. As the cabinet that Witte formed was intended to present very diverse views, it ended up being unworkable. Political infighting eventually led to his resignation as Premier in April 1906. Witte spent the remaining eight years of his life embittered to the tsar and the figures that opposed him. Harcave does a good job of presenting the politics involved with the ministries and Witte’s cabinet, but does not do the best job covering what Witte’s actual policies were. Additionally, Harcave presents Witte in an overwhelmingly positive light, only rarely criticizing him. Overall, this is a good short biography.
Readings in Russian History. 1962. Edited by Sindey Harcave. New York: Crowell.
Heald, Edward T., and Warren B. Walsh. 1947. “Documents: Petrograd, March-July, 1917. the Letters of Edward T. Heald.” American Slavic and East European Review, 116–116.
Heald, Edward Thornton. 1972. Witness to Revolution : Letters from Russia ; 1916-1919. [1st ed. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press.
Herzen, Alexander
Herzen, Aleksandr. 1956. From the Other Shore, and, the Russian People and Socialism, an Open Letter to Jules Michelet, Translated from the French by Richard Wollheim. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
Kohn, Hans, ed. 1955. The Mind of Modern Russia: Historical and Political Thought of Russia’s Great Age. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press.
Herzen, Aleksandr. 1924-26. My Past and Thoughts, the Memoirs of Alexander Herzen; the Authorised Translation. New York: A.A. Knopf.
Herzen, Aleksandr. 1994. Childhood, Youth and Exile : Parts I and Ii of My Past and Thoughts. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Herzen, Aleksandr, and Michael R Katz. 1984. Who Is to Blame?: A Novel in Two Parts. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Herzen, Aleksandr, and Aileen Kelly. 1985-1968. Ends and Beginnings. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Herzen, Aleksandr. 1955. [From The Bell]. In The Mind of Modern Russia: Historical and Political Thought of Russia’s Great Age, edited by Hans Kohn, 165-190. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press.
Hickey, Michael C., editor
Hickey, Michael C. 2011. Competing Voices from the Russian Revolution. Santa Barbara, Calif: Greenwood.
Hoetzsch, Otto
Hoetasch, Otto. 1913. Russland : Eine Einführung Auf Grund Seiner Geschichte Von 1940 Bis 1912. Berlin: 4bG. Reimer.
Hilferding, Rudolf
Hilferding, Rudolf, Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, and Ladislaus von Bortkiewicz . 1949. Karl Marx and the Close of His System. New York: A.M. Kelley.
Wikipedia contributors, “Rudolf Hilferding,” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. (accessed August 21, 2024).
Hurewitz, Jacob Coleman
Hurewitz, JC, ed. 1956. Diplomacy in the near and Middle East : A Documentary Record. Princeton, N.J: Van Nostrand.
Ilʹin-Zhenevskiĭ, Aleksandr Fedorovich
Ilʹin-Zhenevskiĭ, A. F, and Brian Pearce. 1984. The Bolsheviks in Power : Reminiscences of the Year 1918. London, Detroit, Mich: New Park Publications ; Distributed in the U.S. by Labor Publications.
Wikipedia contributors, “Alexander Ilyin-Genevsky,” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. (accessed August 21, 2024).
STUDENT REVIEW = [This book] begins after the formation of the All-Russia Board for Organising the Red Army on December 20th, 1917. Zhenevsky has returned from his role as a soldier in WWI and through his connections he is able to attain the post of secretariat to the People’s Commissariat for Military Affairs in Petrograd. He is immediately impressed by the Soviets’ transformation of factories from the role of munitions manufacturers to the creation of new tools and machines for farmers. This is a main catalyst that influences his desire to become more involved in the inner workings of the new government.
What this book accomplishes through its detailed analysis of the events that took place in Petrograd between December 1917 and November 1918 (though it concentrates mostly on the beginning of 1918), is to provide a first hand account from a multi-faceted and interesting member of the Bolshevik party who is determined to see Russia succeed without much regard to party politics. He never actually enlists in the Red Army even though that would be thought of as his patriotic duty. Zhevensky plays necessary if inconsequential roles during the shifting of the government seat to Moscow, the First Conference of the Red Army Men (as organizer) and the dismantling of the Left SR revolt.
A pressing issue that caused Zhenevsky much stress in his post was the substantial growth of Bolshevik enrollment. Bolshevik Party membership had risen from 23,600 in February 1917 to over 400,000 by the eve of the October Revolution. Between April and November 1918, Petrograd’s Military Commissariat had sent off more than 48,000 troops. Petrograd was forced to send their remaining army to face the newly replenished Finnish Front who were allied with the Germans at the time. On the eve of what might have been a crucial and bloody battle in Petrograd, the Finns had ‘refined their task to the reclamation of their homeland’ and the city was not forced to fight.
Zhenevsky was steeped in the culture and politics of the formation of a new government and army and does not delve much into his personal life. He spends a full two sentences on his wife’s suicide during the period of the German encroachment on Petrograd. The importance and relevance of this book is evidenced by the introduction, which states that Zhenevsky served Soviet Russia in six main capacities: “as a journalist, soldier, military administrator, historian, diplomat and chess player” (vii). The most important insights of the book deal with the state of the Red Army and the poor conditions in which Petrograd was to build its new army and government. Zhenevsky felt that it was his duty to help in the creation of order and discipline in the new Army in Petrograd which was made up of volunteers and those recommended by proletarian comrades or party members. There was low self-esteem, lack of supplies, lack of funding and deserters at the front line. Through his post as secretariat, Zhevensky was able to alleviate some of the more pressing logistical and financial issues that affected soldiers and workers and their families. The reader is able therefore able to witness the every day problems that affect the working class and soldiers.
The end of the book focuses on Zhenevsky’s dissociation from his post due to infighting within the District Commissariat of Military Affairs and his appointment to work at the Supreme Military Inspectorate. This effectively ends his work in his hometown of Petrograd and represents the beginning of a new life “traveling all over Russia and helping along (the) still young efforts at army-building in very part of the country” (156). Zhevensky’s book is a short 164 pages yet manages to adhere to a linear and thought provoking narrative that addresses many different facets of life in Petrograd during a time of political and social upheaval. As a primary source document of life in Petrograd and a chronicle of a short but important time during Russia’s history, the book succeeds in providing many examples of every day struggle in one of Russia’s most strategically and socially important cities.
Ivanov, Viacheslav
Ivanov, Viacheslav. 1990. “The Crisis of Individualism.” In A Revolution of the Spirit : Crisis of Value in Russia, 1890-1924, edited by Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, and Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak, 163-174. 2nd ed. New York: Fordham University Press.
Vjačeslav Ivanov, and M. O Geršenzon. 1921. Perepiska iz Dvuch Uglov. Peterburg: Alkonost.
Ivanov, V, and M. Gershenzon. 1984. Correspondence Across a Room. 1st English language ed. Marlboro, Vt: Marlboro Press.
Ivanov-Razumnik, Razumnik [Razumnik Vasil’evich Ivanov]
Ivanov-Razumnik, Razumnik. 1971. “After Twenty Years.” In The Russian Revolution of 1917 : Contemporary Accounts, edited by Dimitri von Mohrenschildt, 291-314. New York: Oxford University Press.
Izvol’skii, Aleksandr Petrovich [Izvolsky, Aleksandr Petrovich]
Wikipedia contributors, “Alexander Izvolsky,” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. (accessed August 21, 2024).
Izvolʹskiĭ, A. P. 1920. The Memoirs of Alexander Iswolsky, Formerly Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to France. London: Hutchinson.
Iswolsky, Alexander Petrovich, and Charles Seeger. 1921. Recollections of a Foreign Minister : (Memoirs of Alexader Iswolsky). Toronto: Doubleday, Page & Company.
Izvolʹskiĭ, A. P. 1925. Iswolski Im Weltkriege: Der Diplomatische Schriftwechsel Iswolskis Aus Den Jahren 1914-1917. Neue Documente Aus Den Geheimakten Der Russischen Staatsarchive Im Auftrage Des Deutschen Auswartigen Amtes Nebst Einem Kommentar [2. Auflage, 4. und 5. Tausend.] ed. Berlin: Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft fur Politik und Geschichte m.b.H.
Stieve, Friedrich. 1926. Isvolsky and the World War. London: Allen & Unwin.
Izvolʹskij, Aleksandr P. 1989. Vospominanija. Moskva: Meždunarodnye Otnošenija.
Kablits, Iosif Ivanovich [pseudonym Iosif Yuzov]
Kablits, Iosif Ivanovich. 1886. Intelligentsīia i narod v obshchestvennoĭ zhizni Rossīi. S.-Peterburg: Tip. N.A. Lebedeva.
Kautsky, Karl
Kautsky, Karl. 1934. “Marxism and Bolshevism: Democracy and Dictatorship.” In Socialism, Fascism, Communism, edited by Cahan, Abraham, Semen Osipovich Portugeĭs, Wilhelm Ellenbogen, Karl Kautsky, I. Yourievsky pseud, and N Valentinov, 174-215. New York: American League for Democratic Socialism.
Kautsky, Karl, and Patrick Goode. 1983. Selected Political Writings. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
Keller, Werner
Keller, Werner. 1962-1961. East Minus West = Zero : Russia’s Debt to the Western World, 1862-1962. New York: Putnam.
Kennan, George
Kennan, George. 1891. Siberia and the Exile System. New York: Century.
STUDENT REVIEW =
Siberia and the Exile System, which was originally published in 1891, is an investigative report made by the American businessman George Kennan into the lives and conditions of Siberian exiles. Having made a previous trip to Siberia for business, Kennan prefaces this work by investigating whether or not the rumors of horrible prison conditions in Siberia were true or not. The author admits that, before making this particular trip which is described in the book, he had personally looked upon the Russian government favorably and did not believe that the prisons could be as deplorable as he had heard.
During the time of Kennan’s visit, the Russian empire was going through incredibly reactionary times in response to the assassination of Alexander II in 1881. The term ‘nihilism’ invoked in Kennan visions of violent and ruthless enemies of the state; people who should undoubtedly endure years of Siberian internment. However, Kennan quickly goes back on this judgment after his first meeting with a Russian exile. Upon discussing works of literature, world events, and most of all, politics, with a large number of exiles in Siberia, Kennan comes to the conclusion that those he spoke with should be considered moderate. In his own personal opinion, there were no real grounds on which the Russian government should have found the majority of exiles as a threat. As a result, hundreds of smart and capable young Russians were doomed to a life of toil and misery because of Russia’s harsh political climate of the time.
Of course, knowing what we as Americans know now about the Gulag system during Soviet times, it is not surprising that Kennan ultimately comes to the conclusion that the treatment of exiles in Siberia was arguably the worst in a ‘civilized’ country. As an example, the first prison that Kennan investigates is the forwarding prison in Tyumen, whose purpose it was to house exiles on their way farther east. Prisons during this time, in every part of Siberia, revealed horrifying conditions for prisoners because of severe congestion. The political tensions of the time could easily be seen in these prisons, because of the numbers of those arrested drastically increased. As a result, prison conditions were crowded and rife with disease and death. In addition to not having nearly enough space to house the prisoners, there were also no plans to make the conditions any better. Kennan notes that, upon asking prison and prison hospital officials about plans to make improvements, he found that “the officials who care have not the power, and the officials who have the power do not care” (page 404). The prisons in Siberia remained congested for many months of the year, until the Siberian summer came and allowed the prisoners to continue their journey east (on foot, naturally).
This work is valuable for a number of reasons. Not only does it give the reader an inside view of a rarely traversed part of the Russian empire, but it allows the modern day reader to note the progress (or lack thereof) of the Russian prison system, as well as the settlement of Siberia in its entirety. Even in the late nineteenth century, Kennan writes about this system of exile into Siberia as a longstanding tradition, one that has been around since before the times of the Romanovs. The author places the blame of thousands of needless arrests and hundreds of deaths each year on the Russian government itself, stating that the “government is out of harmony of the spirit of the time” (page 187). Russians who showed a lot of intelligence, youth, and vigor in Kennan’s eyes were instead eaten up into the exile system because of the paranoid and outdated government that ruled them.
Kennan, George Frost
Jensen, Kenneth M, and United States Institute of Peace. 1991. Origins of the Cold War : The Novikov, Kennan, and Roberts “Long Telegrams” of 1946. Washington, D.C: United States Institute of Peace.
Kennan, George F. 1956-1958. Soviet-American Relations 1917-1920.
STUDENT REVIEW of v1 =
Russia Leaves the War delineates the international setting of the Bolshevik regime from the November revolution of 1917 to the signing of the Brest Litovsk treaty in March of 1918. The first section of the book analyzes the relationship between the Provisional government and the government of the United States. The analysis is meant to provide historical background to the study of Soviet American relations during the first months of the Bolshevik regime. Kennan writes that American acceptance of the Provisional government allowed for the United States to attach an ideological dimension to the First World War. Such an ideological positional would have been rather unconvincing had the November revolution of 1917 not occurred. The first section can also be seen as delineating the respective goals that the United States government had for the Provisional government. Kennan writes that such goals were contradictory in nature. However, once pursued the American government was unwilling to make modifications to the subsequent goals. Kennan concludes the first section of the book by commenting on the general attitude of the American government when the rein of power shifted from the Provisional government to the Bolshevik regime.
The next section of Kennan’s book describes how the American government reacted to the Bolshevik revolution in November of 1917. Kennan establishes that America’s policy of non-recognition, toward the Bolshevik government, was based upon their understanding that the Bolshevik government wanted to make peace with the Central powers. Such an idea was seen as an act of betrayal by the United States. In this manner, Kennan maintains that American and Soviet relations were colored by Bolshevik war policy. It is against this backdrop that Kennan delineates how the American government came to support a policy of non-recognition.
Kennan’s analysis of Soviet American relations during the first months of the Bolshevik regime can also be seen as addressing the problems of allied intervention within the Russian state. Allied intervention is discussed most closely in relation to the Siberian state. However, the book does mention allied intervention in the Don Cossack territory during the last months of 1917. The primary analysis of Kennan’s book is centered however, on the day to day decisions of American peoples operating in the Russian state and the American government. Kennan establishes that the United States foreign policy was directed and influenced by these individuals. Each individual is introduced in full, so as to underscore their relative importance in the story of American Soviet relations from November 1917 to March of 1918. Kennan states that the policy of non-recognition by the United States government, forced the government to rely upon armatures who served to complicate relations between the Soviet Union and the United States. In this manner, Kennan’s book can be seen as a story of diplomatic confusion, “misunderstanding, intrigue, and malevolent exploitation.” Kennan’s central thesis establishes that the initial stages of Soviet American relations were dominated by diplomatic confusion. It is from this confusion that Soviet American relations receive their complexity.
Kennan’s book provided an excellent analysis of Soviet American relations. The only critique of Kennan’s work is that he places too much focus on individuals and not enough focus on structural constraints.
Kennan, George F. 1968. “Breakdown of Tsarist Autocracy.” In Revolutionary Russia, edited by Richard Pipes. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.
Kennan, George F. 1989-1979. The Decline of Bismarck’s European Order : Franco-Russian Relations, 1875-1890. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press.
Kerenskii, Aleksandr Fedorovich [LOOP]
Kerensky, Aleksandr Fyodorovich. 1919. The Prelude to Bolshevism the Kornilov Rebellion. London: Fischer Unwin.
Kerensky, Aleksandr Fyodorovich. 1927. The Catastrophe : Kerensky’s Own Story of the Russian Revolution. New York: Appleton.
Kerensky, Aleksandr Fyodorovich. 1972 [1934]. The Crucifixion of Liberty. New York: John Day Co.; Kraus Reprint.
Kerensky, Aleksandr Fyodorovich. 1965. Russia and History’s Turning Point [1st ed.] ed. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce.
Kerensky, Alexander. 1971. “The Policy of the Provisional Government.” In The Russian Revolution of 1917 : Contemporary Accounts, edited by Dimitri von Mohrenschildt, 221-228. New York: Oxford University Press.
Abraham, Richard. 1987. Alexander Kerensky : The First Love of the Revolution. New York: Columbia University Press.
Katkov, George. 1980. Russia 1917, the Kornilov Affair : Kerensky and the Break-up of the Russian Army. London: Longman.
Katkov, George. 1967. Russia, 1917 : The February Revolution. 1st U.S. edition. New York: Harper & Row.
Khabalov, Sergei
Khabalov, Sergei. 1969. “Testimony on the February Revolution.” In Readings in Russian Civilization, edited by Thomas Riha, 501-506. Second edition, Revised, volume 3. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Kizevetter, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich
Kizevetter, А. 1970. Miestnoe samoupravlenīe v Rossīi, IX-XIX st. Istoricheskīĭ ocherk. Izd 2 ed. The Hague: Mouton.
Kizevetter, A. A. 1912. Istoricheskie Ocherki : Iz Istorii Politicheskikh Idei : Shkola I Prosveshchenie : Russkii Gorod V Xviii St. : Iz Istorii Rossii V Xix St. Moskva: A.A. Levenson.
Kizevetter, A. A. 1929. Na Rubezhe Dvukh Stoletii : Vospominaiia, 1881-1914. Praga: Orbis.
Documents of Russian History, 1914-1917, edited by Frank Golder. 1927. New York: Century.
Kliuchevskii, Vasilii Osipovich
Kliuchevskiĭ, V. O. 1960. A History of Russia. New York: Russell & Russell.
Kliuchevskiĭ, V. O.. 1912-1915. Kurs Russkoĭ Istorīi. Moskva: Tip. P.P. Riabushinskago.
Vasily Klyuchevsky, a Russian historian and academic, is best known for his “Course of Russian History,” a multi-volume masterpiece that offered a detailed and nuanced analysis of Russia’s development from its early origins to the modern era. Klyuchevsky’s work emphasized the role of social and economic factors in shaping Russian history, and his insights continue to influence historians today. His lectures were highly regarded, making him one of the most influential figures in the study of Russian history.
We will never fully know the final thoughts of Klyuchevsky on the subject, as he passed away before Volume 5 of his Course of Russian History [Kurs] could be revised. The era of reforms was the last major topic he addressed, and the text he was revising at the time of his death focused on the institutional and economic aspects of serf emancipation. Although Klyuchevsky had witnessed the complexities of the reform era firsthand in his youth, his unrevised text chose to gloss over the broader social history of that period.
In the more open atmosphere following the 1905 Revolution, Klyuchevsky’s notes indicated an attempt to correct this delicate omission in his unfinished revision of Volume 5. He observed that society struggled to maintain a well-considered relationship with the state-sponsored reforms, overwhelmed by the endless sequence of innovations. Society found it nearly impossible to adapt these reforms to its own needs. As the reforms became fully operational, there emerged a complex, instinctive mobilization of social forces—lacking conscious leadership or direction—that was only discernible through “aggregate indicators,” such as stock market and price fluctuations. For instance, the rise of joint-stock companies indicated that the center of gravity in national life was shifting. Just as the old foundations of wealth dissipated, so too did the social hierarchies that had supported them. New enterprises and professions rapidly and unexpectedly transformed the social landscape.
“Human relations,” he wrote, “were coming unraveled and at the same time reweaving themselves into new combinations.” The dense structures of community disintegrated alongside the ancient gentry estates. Society quickly changed its membership and profile, with new types emerging in both society and literature. In this whirlwind of new movements, personal identity lost its stability. The old foundations of personal and social significance crumbled, replaced by new ones. Although people remained motivated to act, they had ceased to predict the consequences of their actions.” This poignant reflection was the last sentence Klyuchevsky completed in his manuscript revision of the Kurs—likely among the last paragraphs the great historian ever wrote.
Kliuchevskii, V.O. 2015. A Course in Russian History. the Seventeenth Century. London: Routledge.
Kliuchevskii, V.O. 1997. A Course in Russian History : The Time of Catherine the Great, translated by Marshall Shatz. Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe.
Kireeva, Raisa Aleksandrovna. 1966. V.o. Kliuchevskii Kak Istorik Russkoi Istoricheskoi Nauki.
V.o. Kliuchevskii’s Russian History : Critical Studies. 1987, Edited by Marc Raeff. Irvine, CA: Charles Schlacks.
Byrnes, Robert Francis. 1995. V.o. Kliuchevskii, Historian of Russia. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Knox, Alfred William Fortescue
Knox, Alfred William Fortescue. 1921. With the Russian Army 1914-1917 ; Being Chiefly Extracts from the Diary of a Military Attaché ; with 58 Illustr. and 19 Maps. London: Hutchinson.
Pitcher, Harvey J. 1994. Witnesses of the Russian Revolution. London: John Murray.
Kokovtsov, Vladimir Nikolaevich
Kokovt︠s︡ov, Vladimir Nikolaevich, and Harold H. Fisher. 1935. Out of My Past : The Memoirs of Count Kokovtsov, Russian Minister of Finance, 1904-1914, Chairman of the Council of Ministers, 1911-1914. Translated by Laura Matveev. Stanford University, Calif., London: Stanford University Press; H. Milford, Oxford University Press.
Kokovtsov, Vladimir Nikolaevich, Harold H Fisher, and Laura Matveev. 1935. Out of My Past : The Memoirs of Count Kokovtsov, Russian Minister of Finance, 1904-1914, Chairman of the Council of Ministers, 1911-1914. Stanford University, Calif., London: Stanford University press : H. Milford, Oxford university press.
Kokovtsov, Vladimir. 1928. “Introduction.” In Russian Public Finance during the War. – Alexander M. Michelson, Revenue and Expenditure. with Intr. by V.n. Kokovzov. – Paul N. Apostel, Credit Operations. – Michael W. Bernatzky [Bernackij], Monetary Policy, 3-8. New Haven Connecticut etc: Yale University Press.
Kolchak, Aleksandr
Varneck, Elena, Aleksandr Vasiliyevich Kolchak, Harold H Fisher, Konstantīn Andreevīch Papov, Anton Zakharovich Ovchinnikov, and Irkutsk (Russia). Chrezvychaĭnaia sledstvennaia komīssīia. 1935. —The Testimony of Kolchak and Other Siberian Materials; Memoirs of the Red Partisan Movement in the Russian Far East: The Nikolaevsk Massacre: The Vladivostok Incident, April 4-5, 1920. Stanford University, Calif., London: Stanford University Press; H. Milford, Oxford University Press.
Kollontai, Aleksandra
Kollontai, Aleksandra. 1990. “The Family and the Communist State.” In Bolshevik Visions : First Phase of the Cultural Revolution in Soviet Russia, edited by William G. Rosenberg and Ann Arbor, 67-76. 2nd ed. MI: University of Michigan Press.
Kollontai, Aleksandra. 1990. “Make Way for the Winged Eros.” In Bolshevik Visions : First Phase of the Cultural Revolution in Soviet Russia, edited by William G. Rosenberg and Ann Arbor, 84-94. 2nd ed. MI: University of Michigan Press.
Kollontai, Aleksandra. 1990. “Fight Against Prostitution.” In Bolshevik Visions : First Phase of the Cultural Revolution in Soviet Russia, edited by William G. Rosenberg and Ann Arbor, 224-229. 2nd ed. MI: University of Michigan Press.
Clements, Barbara Evans. 1979. Bolshevik Feminist : The Life of Aleksandra Kollontai. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Farnsworth, Beatrice. 1980. Aleksandra Kollontai : Socialism, Feminism, and the Bolshevik Revolution. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press.
Korolenko, Vladimir Galaktionovic
Korolenko, Vladimir Galaktionovich. 1972. The History of My Contemporary. London: Oxford University Press.
Konstitutsionno-demokraticheskaia partiia
Konstitutsionno-demokraticheskaia partiia., and Raymond Pearson. 1986. Vtoroi Vserossiiskii Sʺezd Konstitutsionno-Demokraticheskoi Partii, 5-11 Yanvarya 1906 G. = Second All-Russian Congress of the Constitutional-Democratic Party, 5-11 January 1906. White Plains, N.Y: Kraus International.
Kostomarov, Nikolai Ivanovich
Kostomarov, N. I. 1954. Books of Genesis of the Ukrainian People. New York: Research Program on the U.S.S.R.
Kostomarov, N. I. 1858. “Ocherk istorii Saratovskago kraiia ot prisoedineniia ego k Rossijskoi derzhave do vstupleniia na prestol Nikolaia I.” In Pamiatnaia knizhka Saratovskoĭ gubernīi na 1858 god, Otdel III, 1-59. Saratovskīĭ guberniskīĭ statisticheskīĭ komitet, and Izdanīe Saratovskago gubernskago statisticheskago komiteta.
Kostomarov, N. I. 1859. “Poezdka v g. Volgsk.” In Pamiatnaia knizhka Saratovskoĭ gubernīi na 1859 god, Otdel III, 87-111. Saratovskīĭ guberniskīĭ statisticheskīĭ komitet, and Izdanīe Saratovskago gubernskago statisticheskago komiteta.
Kostomarov, N. I., and Bohdan Zenobiusz Chmielnicki. 1859. Bogdanʺ Khmelʹnitskı̄ı̆. Izd. 2-E, Dop ed. S. – Peterburgʺ: Izdanı̄e knigoprodavtsa D.E. Kozhanchikova.
Kostomarov, N. I. 1859.Buntʺ Stenʹki Razina. Izdanie 2 ed. S.-Peterburgʺ: Izdanie knigoprodavca D. E. Kožančikova.
Kostomarov, N. I. 1860. “ O kazachestve: Otvet ‘Vilenskomu vestniku.” In Sovremennik, v. 82, 75-92 S. – Peterburg.
Kostomarov, N. I. 1860. Ocherk domashneĭ zhizni i nravov velikorusskago naroda v XVI i XVII stolietīiakh. Sankt Peterburg: Tip. K. Vul’fa.
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Lussu, Emilio. 2014. A Soldier on the Southern Front : The Classic Italian Memoir of World War I. New York, NY: Rizzoli Ex Libris.
Emilio Lussu was an Italian soldier, writer, and politician known for his anti-fascist stance and his contributions to Italian literature and politics. He served as an officer during World War I, and his experiences on the front lines inspired his critically acclaimed book A Year on the High Plateau (Un Anno sull’Altipiano), a powerful anti-war memoir. Lussu later became an influential figure in the Italian resistance against Mussolini’s regime and co-founded the Action Party (Partito d’Azione), which played a key role in the Italian Resistance during World War II.
The sheer absurdity of life and death among Italian soldiers during the South Front attack on the Austro-Hungarian Adriatic coastline and the Asiago plains between Italy and Slovenia is starkly depicted. Soldiers were supplied with dysfunctional wire cutters meant to tackle barbed wire and wore armored vests that offered no more protection than an ordinary jacket. Two portraits of utterly incompetent commanders stand out, particularly Major Melchiorri, who ordered the execution of a unit that had fled a collapsing cave where they had been instructed to await orders to attack the enemy. When the execution squad refused to shoot their fellow soldiers, Melchiorri began shooting members of the insubordinate unit himself, until the punishment brigade turned their weapons on him, killing the deranged officer. Lussu observed, “The war’s main engine is alcohol,” suggesting that the real enemy was not the Austro-Hungarian troops but their own idiotic or psychopathic officers.
Like Ernest Hemingway, Emilio Lussu served on the Asiago plateau in Northern Italy. In a 1937 note, Lussu explains that his book has no thesis beyond describing what he witnessed, yet this is enough to create a compelling narrative that immerses the reader in the mind of a man at the front, daily exposed to scenes and decisions that irrevocably alter him. At times, Lussu’s detached tone is chilling, while in other moments, his humanization of the enemy reflects his own deepening humanity. The book is rich in historical details, offering a satisfying read for those eager to learn more about the war in Italy.
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Duff, J. D. 1917. Russian Realities & Problems. by Paul Milyoukov, Peter Struve, a. Lappo-Danilevsky, Roman Dmowski, and Harold Williams. Edited by J.d. Duff. University Press: Cambridge.
STUDENT REVIEW =
The book is […] a comprehensive look at pre-revolutionary Russia and the various problems it was faced with. A few of the authors are ex-patriots of the Russian system leading to some natural biases toward the subject matter while one author is British (Harold Williams), who wrote with a more objective tone.
Part 1 was written by Paul Miliukov, a former professor at Sofia University, Miliukov was a prominent member of the Russia Duma from its creation in 1905. He was the leader of the Constitutional Democrat party and it is claimed by the editor that no man knows more about Russian legislative politics had Paul Miliukov. Part 1 talks about World War I from an interesting perspective, Miliukov believes that World War I was primarily a war of England versus Germany, and Russia versus Austria Hungary. The dangers of imperialism come to a head in the struggle of the major European powers. Germany feels they are being suffocated by British commercial and naval might, while Russia wants greater influence over the Slavic peoples in the Balkans.
Part 2 also written by Miliukov, discussed the tsar’s corrupt influence on the workings of the Russian Duma established after the 1905 revolution. The 1905 Russian constitution brought a small taste of democracy to Russia by allowing political parties and giving some people the right to vote. This democracy, however, was largely a farce as the tsar constantly undermined the Russian Duma. Abusing his power the Czar severely limited the voting power of the peasants and urban workers, while expanded the rights of the rich and landed gentry. The tsar also exempted his own personal finances from Duma control, despite his personal finances being directly tied to the state treasury.
In part 3 Peter Struve, covers the history of Russian economics leading up to the war. Struve discusses Russia historical position as a link between the Western and Eastern worlds. He attempts to identify the difficult moments when it can said that Russia entered the world of European economics, as opposed to the relative isolation if lived under before the reforms of Peter the Great. The founding of St Petersburg, he argues was a key moment as it was a window to the West.
Roman Dmowski, in part 4 discussed Russia’s tenuous relationship with Poland throughout the century. World War I calls in question the Polish identity and the existence of a Polish nation. The essay deals with the issues that empires with Polish lands faced in dealing with Polish people. Dmowski also goes further back into history to discuss Poland’s unfortunate position of constantly being wedged between great Empires, such as the Holy Roman Empire or the Byzantine Empire. Due to Poland’s geographic position Poland has always had to absorb culture and ideas that where alien to the nation. The essay also deals with the differing lifestyles of people living under different occupying nations and empires throughout history.
[EUA=]
In part 5, Harold Williams discusses the multi-ethnic nature of the Russian Empire. He argues that some people knew that under the Russian empire there exists a large Finnish, Polish, Armenian, and Jewish population. Russia is not the mono-ethnic homogenous state that many believed it to be, with over 100 different languages being spoken throughout the Russian Empire. During the 18th century Russia moved to a heavy development of Western culture, largely drowning out some of the smaller Eurasia cultures present in Russia at the time.
The final part is about scientific development in Russia. Lappo-Danilevsky, the author of the chapter discusses the historical influences on Russian learning throughout history. The influences on Russian learning range from the Greek civilization to monotheism. A gradual rise of secular thought and trade with the West was responsible for a great deal of Russian education and learning.
Russian realities and problems is a rather old book that may be outdated by much more recent research. The book does present an interesting style of primary source narratives of people who where very much involved in the history directly. The first two chapters in the book written by Paul Miliukov prove to be the strongest and most useful for historical research and understanding due to Miliukov’s position in the Russian Duma during it’s founding.
Miliukov, Paul. 1971. “The Revolution of 1917.” In The Russian Revolution of 1917 : Contemporary Accounts, edited by Dimitri von Mohrenschildt, 87-99. New York: Oxford University Press.
Milioukov, Pavel Nikolaïvitch, and Richard Stites. 1978. The Russian Revolution. Gulf Breeze, FL: Academic International Press.
- volume 1: “The Revolution Divided: Spring,1917”
- volume 2: “Kornilov or Lenin?–Summer,1917”
- volume 3: “The Agony of the Provisional Government”
STUDENT REVIEW =
The book begins with a good, though brief, introduction to the author, Paul Miliukov, giving the reader an idea of the perspective from which he is writing. This early section contains what I see as one of the most important lines of the book “Miliukov’s attempt to maintain the distinction between historian and memoirist does not come off.” (page xx) As a reader it is very important to keep in mind that Miliukov’s writing has been called “False from beginning to end” (Trotsky). Almost all historians acknowledge that he at least omits details which might prove critical of him or his pro-Romanov, or rather pro-strong government beliefs.
This is the first volume in a three part series dealing with the 1917 revolution and the events which followed. This installment focuses on the events which took place in 1917 with a pair of chapters on the important events leading up to 1917, one covering the 1700’s until 1905 and another from 1905 and 1907.
One topic which is covered in depth throughout this book is the Duma. Miliukov being an influential political leader witnessed the inner workings of the Russian legislative body and gives some interesting insights as to the body’s operations (the Duma’s reaction to the appointment of Protopopov, pgs. 18-20, the failed attempt to dissolve the Duma, pg. 169).
Another topic discussed in some detail is the role of the military in the 1917 revolution [mlt]. Beginning with the uprisings in Tauride Palace mutinies on Feburary 26 th (pg. 26) and continuing with the problems of morale amongst the men fighting at the front after the overthrow of the old government. (pgs. 97-108)
There are also many descriptions of the role of the soldiers in the Bolshevik revolution which starts on about page 175 and goes throughout the rest of the book.
One of the main actors of this period that Miliukov mentions at length is I.G. Tsereteli, a onetime Duma deputy from Georgia. He goes so far as to quote one as saying, “As a whole, the history of the Committee in terms of its organization and membership should be divided into two periods: before and after the arrival of Tsereteli ” (pg. 52).
Since there are two members in our group who are focusing their researching on the Okhrana I should note that there are only two references to the group in this book, both of which are brief. On Page 24 there is a mention of how the major proponent of a plan to march on the same day as the Duma reopened was in fact an Okhrana agent provocateur. On page 26 there is a mention that one of the first acts of the mutinying soldiers mentioned above was to burn the Okhrana headquarters at Tverskaia Street (pg. 26).
Milioukov, Pavel. 1926. “The Influence of English Political Thought in Russia.” In The Slavonic Review, 1926, vol. 5 (14), 258-270.
Milioukov, Pavel. 1926. “Liberalism, Radikalizm I Revolutsia.” In Sovremnnyia Zapiski, 1935, no. 55, 285-316.
Miliukov, Pavel. 1942. Outlines of Russian Culture. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Miliukov, P. N, Michael Karpovich, and Boris Elkin. 1955. Vospominaniia : (1859-1917). New York: Izdatelstvo imeni Chekhova.
Miliukov, P. N. 1967. Political Memoirs, 1905-1917. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Miliukov, P. N. 1974. Outlines of Russian Culture. Gulf Breeze, Fla: Academic International Press.
Milner, Alfred Milner
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Pares, Bernard. 1907. Russia and Reform. New York: E.P. Dutton.
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STUDENT REVIEW =
Just before the end of WWI, Nicholas II abdicated his throne due to problems that arose during his rule, which was ordered by the government itself. The problems were not few and it resulted in lies and secrets from the government. Bernard Pares writes about the problems in “The Fall of the Russian Monarchy”. He gives a basic background of these troubles. One, which happened as part of Sturmer’s Mystery Cabinet, was “to assign five million rubles from the military fund to the Premier for the purposes which were to be disclosed” (318).
At the end of the Russian/Japanese war, there was a question of who was going to be the Emperor. This issue would show that the government had problems because there was no general election for the public to elect a new leader. Pares writes how Sergei Witte wanted to be Emperor and told Nicholas that he would kill himself if he were not leader. The Russian/Japanese war in itself had problems as Pares explains because Nicholas did not calculate the costs of waging a war.
Another government plot was what to do with Poland, which was in the hands of the Romanov Empire. The government devised a plan, which basically stated that the government of Russia was to be the ruling government. Nicholas personally signed off on this. Nicholas had always wanted government affairs to be kept from the public and Pares writes from letters written by Nicholas that Nicholas was not happy with the publicity of Witte by saying, “I do not quite like his way of getting into touch with various extremists, especially as all these talks appear in the press the next day” (90).
These readings help to define Russian Political Culture because they are giving insight into the realities of this time period. The government was corrupt and the leaders knew this was going on. It also shows how the people were willing to uprise against the government as shown during the 1905 revolution and how a complete government can be overthrown if a leader is not liked as in the February Revolution. Pares writes how Nicholas was not really ruling when he was away which created arguments within parliament with no central person acting in charge. This was after Russia went into World War I even though the public opinion was very low. Even among his wife, Alexandra, the opinion of Nicholas was low. Pares writes that Nicholas and Alexandra were separated due to their different sides and opinions.
The insights presented by Pares are that the Fall of the Regime was inevitable based on the actions or lack thereof on the part of the government in Russia. There was no government order taking place and the extreme secrecy within the government and encouraged by Nicholas II was no secret from the public. Certain events such as the absence of Nicholas from government affairs and decisions led to his forced abdication and betrayal from people who he saw as the most trusted such as his wife Alexandra. Pares uses personal accounts through quotes from people living through these events to add to his opinion. Pares writes how Nicholas believed he was the “sole protector” but in reality people did not trust him.
Pares believes the most important time during the fall of the Romanov Empire was the three months right before the forced abdication of Nicholas. The abdication was inevitable because the leaders within the government had hit their breaking point in dealing with Nicholas. Pares believes there were three tasks that Nicholas failed to do which were to “restore the administration of the country, give it a new shape as would represent the colossal change which had taken place, and to keep Russia in the war” (477) Nicholas could not fulfill these especially since he had deserted the government and country to fight in World War I himself. Therefore, the collapse of the old regime was going to happen with or without Nicholas in power but Russia was not prepared to have someone else take over when they forced Nicholas to leave.
STUDENT REVIEW =
This book covers the years of the reign of Nicholas II of Russia. It gives a brief background of the years and events before his reign. His father is described as a firm autocrat with a powerful personality, coupled with a strong will. When Nicholas’s father came to power, he regulated the various reforms that had been put in place by the previous administration. These regulations so limited the reforms as to render them, in all practical sense null and void.
The author, Bernard Pares, takes great care throughout the book to show that the prospect of revolution was always regarded by the monarchy as a continuous threat. The Revolution did not spring up out of nowhere, newly born as a fresh idea in the peoples’ mind. It was always there, just simmering underneath the surface, with the lid of an archaic class organization holding any liberal tendencies firmly in check. The class structure was based on an economy and infrastructure that had not truly entered into the 20th century. Russia was used to just ‘muddling through,’ a phrase or a similar variation of it that is found throughout the book, but that speaks volumes about the way things were handled.
Nicholas II is faced with disruption and a possible major crises, which he averts by creating the Duma. The Duma is an organization that is supposed to be elected by the people to represent them as a governmental body, although the Emperor still has the last and final say. Disagreements arise and eventually the Duma is disbanded, and the members are prevented from running in future elections by Nicholas. The voting franchise is henceforth limited so that the Duma no longer is a true representative of the population, but it continues to question Nicholas and provide him with headaches and opposition. Nicholas runs his government in a seemingly haphazard fashion, nominating rivals, reactionaries, liberals, and personal enemies to different posts in government. This makes it so that petty squabbles for power, cutthroat and dirty politics become the way the government was run. The good and honest governmental officers were the exception, not the rule, and Nicholas was severely lacking in judging the character of men. This is extremely unfortunate, since the road to power and appointments was through him, and it was not based upon a merit system but simply through currying his personal favor. Rasputin is a perfect example of this, and the author goes into much detail in how Rasputin effectively helped ruin Russia and its administration. He especially goes into detail on the relationship between Rasputin and the Empress. The author gives the impression that he feels that the Emperor was controlled by his wife in certain respects, to the detriment of the country. Eventually the situation completely crumbles around the monarch, hastened by Nicholas’ decision to take command of the army, and the many bad appointments that he made. The men he picked did not do their jobs, and the population started to have a defeatist attitude. The main issue was that of food. It was not necessarily the lack of food supplies, but rather the lack of infrastructure and organization that was necessary to transfer the food were it was needed. The people eventually rioted, military regiments mutinied, and chaos was moving forward. The revolution had began. Nicholas II, faced with all this, abdicated the throne. He had truly believed God had appointed him to be the autocrat of Russia, so this was the most drastic move he could make. The idea of giving up the throne would never have occurred to him when he first took power. The world had changed, but Russia had failed to change along with it.
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Chambers, Roland. 2012. The Last Englishman : The Double Life of Arthur Ransome. Boston: David R. Godine, Publisher.
The Arthur Ransome Society [TARS]
Radishchev, Aleksandr Nikolayevich
Radishchev, Aleksandr. 1958. A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.
Radzinskii, Edvard Stanislavovich
Radzinskii, Edvard. 2000. The Rasputin File. 1st edition in the U.S.A ed. New York: Nan A. Talese.
STUDENT REVIEW =
The author, Edvard Radzinsky, started off by telling and taking the reader along to help him look for a lost file. He takes his audience to a revolutionary time in history and to untouched places since the time of the Tsars to find the Rasputin File.
The Rasputin file is first hand accounts of Rasputin’s inner circle that was taken by the Extraordinary Commission. The testimonies vary from court, government and church officials to the every day peasant. The documents are oral accounts of people that he held influence over, his friends, his enemies, and his lovers. It is rifled with scandals of backstabbing, masked friends, and lies. It is a file that shows how Rasputin bought the end to an absolute monarchy.
Radzinsky explained how Rasputin climbed into the hearts of the Tsar and Tsarina and how other people used that affection for their benefit. If someone desired to increase their status politically or within the courts then they had to follow monarchal suit and be fond of Rasputin or at least pretend to enjoy him. The reign of Rasputin led to political changes and personal association changes of Tsars based upon the degree of affection that each gave ‘Our Friend’. It was not until a traitor appeared among Rasputin’s inner circle that the elite began to question the friendship between him and the Tsars and take a closer look at who the man called Rasputin really was.
Who Rasputin was is a mystery still. He has several names, two that are real and others that have been attached to him because of history and reputation. Some are well in meaning and some are just. But who is Rasputin? In the first few pages the character is put on a judgment block for the reader. Readers learn about his home life, reputation, work ethic, and his travels. Rasputin at home was lazy, stupid and did not care about his life health or his family’s life or health. It is not until he gets beaten to the point of death by someone he was stealing from that Rasputin decides he was a changed man and goes on to travel to monasteries. Radzinsky goes into detail about Rasputin’s travels and the different types of Orthodox religion and religion in general that he encounters. It was these journeys that turned Rasputin into a pious man of god, but it was his foundation character that breaks his plastered holy image and leads his friends to turn against him.
Reed, John Silas
Reed, John. 1919. Ten Days That Shook the World. New York: International.
Reed, John. 1919. Red Russia : The Triumph of the Bolsheviki. London: Workers’ Socialist Federation.
Reed, John. 1916. The War in Eastern Europe. New York, NY: C. Scribner’s Sons.
Munk, Michael, and Oregon Cultural Heritage Commission. 2003. The Portland Years of John Reed & Louise Bryant. 3rd ed., rev. Jan. 2003 ed. Portland, Or: Oregon Cultural Heritage Commission.
Robins, Raymond
Robins, Raymond. 1920. Raymond Robins’ Own Story, edited by William Hard. New York: Harper & Brothers.
Rodichev, Fedor
Rodichev, F. and E J. 1923. “The Liberal Movement in Russia (1891-1905).” The Slavonic Review, Vol. 2, No. 5 (Dec., 1923), 249–262.
Rodzianko, Mikhail Vladimirovich
Rodzianko, M. V. 1927. The Reign of Rasputin: An Empire’s Collapse, Memoirs of M.v. Rodzianko. London: A.M. Philpot.
Roehl [Röhl, John Charles Gerald]
Röhl, John. 2015. Wilhelm II: Into the Abyss of War and Exile, 1900-1941. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
John C. G. Röhl is a distinguished British historian, best known for his extensive research on Imperial Germany and the role of Kaiser Wilhelm II in the lead-up to World War I. His multi-volume biography of Wilhelm II is widely regarded as a seminal work, offering deep insights into the political and military dynamics of the German Empire. Röhl’s scholarship has been instrumental in understanding the complex relationship between the Kaiser and the German military leadership, particularly in the context of early 20th-century European diplomacy.
Roehl describes how Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg and General Staff commander Helmuth von Moltke sidelined Kaiser Wilhelm II, whom they viewed as an obstacle to effective national policy. During the July 1914 crisis, they sent Wilhelm II on a yachting voyage to Norway, deliberately keeping him uninformed about the escalating tensions that would lead to World War I. They even edited the official documents sent to him. This episode was just a particularly intense example of the broader pattern of isolating Wilhelm II from government policies and decisions, a strategy that German military leaders had implemented as early as the 1905 Moroccan Crisis. Rather than a centralized autocracy, this was a case of military and ministerial cooptation of the throne.
Root, Elihu
Root, Elihu, Bacon, Robert, and James Brown Scott. 1918. The United States and the War ; the Mission to Russia ; Political Addresses. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.
Rosenthal, Bernice Glatzer and Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak, editors
Rosenthal, Bernice Glatzer, and Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak. 1990. A Revolution of the Spirit : Crisis of Value in Russia, 1890-1924. 2nd ed. New York: Fordham University Press.
Ross, Edward Alsworth
Ross, Edward Alsworth. 1918. Russia in Upheaval. New York: Century.
Ross, Edward Alsworth. 1921. The Russian Bolshevik Revolution. New York, NY: Century.
Ross, Edward Alsworth. 1923. The Russian Soviet Republic. New York: Century.
Rozanov, Vasilii Vasil’evich
Rozanov, Vasilii. 1990. “On Sweetest Jesus and the Bitter Fruits of the World.” In A Revolution of the Spirit : Crisis of Value in Russia, 1890-1924, edited by Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, and Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak, 93-104. 2nd ed. New York: Fordham University Press.
Rozanov, Vasilii. 1965. “Sweet Jesus and the Sour Fruits of the World.” In Ultimate Questions: An Anthology of Modern Russian Religious Thought, edited by Aleksandr Schmeman, 227-240. [1st ed.]. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Ruhl, Arthur
Ruhl, Arthur. 1917. White Nights, and Other Russian Impressions. New York: C. Scribner’s Sons.
Committee of Ministers [Komitet ministrov]
Russia. 1905. Zhurnaly Komiteta ministrov po ispolneniiu ukaza 12 dekabria 1904 g. S.-Peterburg: Izd. Kantseliarii Komiteta ministrov.
Council of Ministers [Sovet ministrov]
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Nol’de, E. Yu. 1989. “Zasedaniia Soveta Ministrov Rossii 3 i 11 fevralia 1905 g. v zapisyax E. Yu. Nol’de.” In Arkheograficheskiĭ ezhegodnik, 291-304. Moskva.
Emperor Alexander II
The Politics of Autocracy : Letters of Alexander Ii to Prince a. I. Bariatinskii. 1857–1864 (version Reprint 2019). 2019 Reprint 2019 ed. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.
Emperor Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra
William, William, and Nicholas Nicholas. 1918. The Willy-Nicky Correspondence : Being the Secret and Intimate Telegrams Exchanged between the Kaiser and the Tsar. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
The Fall of the Romanovs : Political Dreams and Personal Struggles in a Time of Revolution. 1995. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
The Secret Letters of the Last Tsar : Being the Confidential Correspondence between Nicholas Ii and His Mother, Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna. 1938 First ed. New York: Longmans, Green.
Nicholas, Nicholas, Alexandra Alexandra, A. L Hynes, and C. E Vulliamy. 1929. The Letters of the Tsar to the Tsaritsa, 1914-1917. London, New York: John Lane; Dodd, Mead.
Nicholas. 1923. Letters of the Tsaritsa to the Tsar, 1914-1916. London: Duckworth.
Nicholas, Nicholas, and Alexandra Alexandra. 1999. The Complete Wartime Correspondence of Tsar Nicholas Ii and the Empress Alexandra : April 1914-March 1917. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press.
Alexandra, Alexandra, V. A Kozlov, Vladimir M Khrustalev, and Alexandra Raskina. 1997. The Last Diary of Tsaritsa Alexandra. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Nicholas, Nicholas, Alexandra Alexandra, Andrei Maylunas, and S. V Mironenko. 1997. A Lifelong Passion : Nicholas and Alexandra : Their Own Story. 1st ed. in the U.S.A ed. New York: Doubleday.
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Alexandra. 1948. “The Tsaritsa and the Tsar.” In Readings in Russian History, edited by Warren Walsh, 539-542. Syracuse: S : Syracuse University Press.
Alexandra. 1922. Pisʹma Imperatritsy Aleksandry Fedorovny k Imperatoru Nikolaiu II [Letters of the Empress Alexandra to the Emperor Nicholas II]. Berlin: Knigoizdatelʹstvo “Slovo”.
Bark, Peter. 1971. “The Last Days of the Russian Monarchy – Nicholas II at Army Headquaters.” In The Russian Revolution of 1917 : Contemporary Accounts, edited by Dimitri von Mohrenschildt, 75-86. New York: Oxford University Press.
Bazili, Nikolaĭ Aleksandrovich. 1973. Nicolas De Basily, Diplomat of Imperial Russia, 1903-1917: Memoirs. Stanford, Calif: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University.
Bazili, Nikolaĭ Aleksandrovich. 1984. The Abdication of Emperor Nicholas Ii of Russia : A Memoir. Princeton, N.J: Kingston Press.
Gordon, Manya. 1965. “Police as Union Organizers.” In Russia in Revolution : Selected Readings in Russian Domestic History since 1855, edited by Stanley W. Page, 60-61. Princeton, N.J.: Van Nostrand.
Sablinsky, Walter. 1976. The Road to Bloody Sunday : Father Gapon and the St. Petersburg Massacre of 1905. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
Perris, G. H. 1905. Russia in Revolution. London: Chapman & Hall.
Treadgold, Donald. 1965. “Nicholas II Was a Bulwark Against Reform.” In Imperial Russia After 1861; Peaceful Modernization or Revolution? Edited with an Introd. by Arthur E. Adams, 96-104.
Gubernatory [Governors; Gubernatorial Reports of Russian Imperial Governors, 1855-1864]
Gubernatorial Reports of Russian Imperial Governors : 1855-1864. 1996. Leiden: IDC.
Grand Duke Aleksandr Mikhailovich
Grand Duke Aleksandr Mikhaĭlovich. 1991. Kniga vospominaniĭ. Moskva: “ Sovremennik.”
State Council [Gosudarstvennyi sovet]
PRETTY, DAVID. “Soviet.” In Encyclopedia of Russian History, edited by James R. Millar, 1433. Vol. 4. New York, NY: Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. Gale eBooks (accessed July 19, 2024).
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Rossiĭskiĭ gosudarstvennyĭ istoricheskiĭ arkhiv. 2008. Gosudarstvennyĭ sovet Rossiĭskoĭ imperii : 1906-1917: entsiclodepia. Moskva: ROSSPĖN.
State Duma [Gosudarstvennaia duma]
THOMPSON, JOHN M. “Duma.” In Encyclopedia of Russian History, edited by James R. Millar, 414-416. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. Gale eBooks (accessed July 19, 2024).
Demin, V.A. 1996. Gosudarstvennaia duma Rossii : 1906-1917: Mekhanism Funktsionirovaniia. Moskva: ROSSPĖN.
B W, W B, and Alan Wood. 1992. Russian Court Memoirs, 1914-1916. Cambridge, England: Ian Faulkner Pub.
The Russian Revolution : Essays, Photographs, and Excerpts from Classic Works About the Men and the Ideas That Shaped the Most Significant Revolution of the 20th Century. 1967. New York, NY: Distributed by Macmillan.
The Russian Version of the Second World War : The History of the War As Taught to Soviet Schoolchildren. 1983. New York: Facts on File.
Savinkov, Boris Viktorovich
Savinkov, Boris. 1917. Pale Horse : A Novel of Revolutionary Russia. 2019. Pittsburgh, Pa: University of Pittsburgh Press.
Savinkov, B. V. 1924. The Black Horse; a Novel. London: Williams and Norgate.
Savinkov, B. V. 1917. What Never Happened : A Novel of the Revolution. New York: A.A. Knopf.
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Spence, Richard B. 1991. Boris Savinkov : Renegade on the Left. Boulder, New York: East European Monographs ; Distributed by Columbia University Press.
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Beer, Daniel. 2007. “The Morality of Terror: Contemporary Responses to Political Violence in Boris Savinkov’s the Pale Horse (1909) and What Never Happened (1912).” In The Slavonic and East European Review, 25–46.
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Sazonov, Sergei Dmitrievich
Sazonov, Segei. 1925. How the War Began in 1914 : Being the Diary of the Russian Foreign Office from the 3rd to the 20th (Old Style) of July, 1914. Translated by W. Cyprian Bridge. London: G. Allen & Unwin.
Sazonov, Sergi︠e︡ĭ Dmitrïevich. 1928. Fateful Years, 1909-1916 : The Reminiscences of Serge Sazonov … Russian Minister for Foreign Affars: 1914. London: Jonathan Cape.
Scheibert, Peter
Scheibert, Peter. 1983. Die Russischen Politischen Parteien von 1905 Bis 1917 : Ein Dokumentationsband. Reprograph. Nachdr. der 1. Aufl. 1972. Darmstadt: Wiss. Buchges.
Schierbrand, Wolf von
Schierbrand, Wolf von, and Ernst Brüggen. 1904. Russia, Her Strength and Her Weakness : A Study of the Present Conditions of the Russian Empire. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons.
Scudder, Jared Waterbury
SCUDDER, JARED W. 2019. RUSSIA IN THE SUMMER OF 1914 : With Discussion of Her Pressing Problems (Classic Reprint). [S.l.]: FORGOTTEN BOOKS.
Sechenov, Ivan Mikhaylovich
Sechenov, I. M. 1965. Autobiographical Notes. Edited by Donald B. Lindsley. Translated by Kristan Hanes. Washington: American Institute of Biological Sciences.
Sechenov, I. M. 1965. Selected Physiological and Psychological Works. Moscow: Foreign Languages Pub. House.
Semevskii, Vasilii Ivanovich
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Service, Robert. 1991. The Russian Revolution, 1900-1927. 2nd ed. Basingstoke: Macmillan Education.
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Shakhovskoi, Zinaida. 1971. “The Russian Revolution as Seen by a Child.” In The Russian Revolution of 1917 : Contemporary Accounts, edited by Dimitri von Mohrenschildt, 100-116. New York: Oxford University Press.
Shanin, Teodor, with Haruki Wada, Derek Sayer, Philip Corrigan, and Jonathan Sanders
Shanin, Teodor, ed. 1983. Late Marx and the Russian Road : Marx and “The Peripheries of Capitalism” : A Case. New York: Monthly Review Press.
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“Part II: The Russian Road.” 1983. In Late Marx and the Russian Road : Marx and “the Peripheries of Capitalism” : A Case, edited by Teodor Shanin, 95-178. New York: Monthly Review Press.
“Part III: The Russian Revolutionary Tradition 1850 to 1890.” 1983. In Late Marx and the Russian Road : Marx and “the Peripheries of Capitalism” : A Case, edited by Teodor Shanin, 95-178. New York: Monthly Review Press.
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Chernyshevsky, Nikolai. 1983. “Unaddressed Letters.” In Late Marx and the Russian Road : Marx and “the Peripheries of Capitalism” : A Case, edited by Teodor Shanin, 190-203. New York: Monthly Review Press.
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Sholokhov, Mikhail Aleksandrovich
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Shotwell, James Thomson, General Editor
Shotwell, James T. 1924. Economic and Social History of the World War. Outline of Plan, European Series. Washington [D.C.]: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Some titles in the Russian Series
Antsiferov, Aleksey. 1930. Russian Agriculture during the War. Rural Economy.
Kayden, Eugene M and A. Antsiferov. 1929. The Coöperative Movement in Russia during the War. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Bilimovich, Aleksandr. 1930. “Chapter II. Chapter III.” In Russian Agriculture during the War. Rural Economy, in collaboration with Mikhail Osipovich Batshev, Dimitrii N. Ivantsov, and Alexis N. Antsyferov, 45-92. New Haven: Yale University Press, for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of Economics and History.
Batshev, Mikhail. 1930. “Chapter IV. Chapter VIII. Chapter IX. Chapter X. Chapter XI.” In Russian Agriculture during the War. RuralEconomy, in collaboration with Dimitrii N. Ivantsov, A. N. Antsyferov, and Aleksandr Bilimovich, 93-115, 181-255. New Haven: Yale University Press, for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of Economics and History.
Florinsky, Michael T. 1931. The End of the Russian Empire. New Haven, London: Yale University Press ; H. Milford, Oxford University Press : for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of Economics and History.
Ignatʹev, Pavel Nikolaevich, D. M. Odinets, and P. I. Novgorodtsev. 1929. Russian Schools and Universities in the World War. New Haven, London: Yale University Press; H. Milford, Oxford University Press for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace: Division of Economics and History.
Ivantsov, Dmitrii. 1930. “Chapter V. Chapter VI. Chapter VII” In Russian Agriculture during the War. Rural Economy, in collaboration with Mikhail Osipovich Batshev, A. N. Antsyferov, and Aleksandr Bilimovich, 116-180. New Haven: Yale University Press, for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of Economics and History.
Lʹvov, Georgii and N. V. Vyrubov. 1998. Vospominaniia. Moskva: Russkiĭ putʹ.
Obolenskiĭ, V. A. 1988. Moia zhiznʹ, moi sovremenniki. Paris: YMCA-Press.
Polner, T. I., V. A. Obolenskiĭ, and Sergeĭ Petrovich Tiurin. 1930. Russian Local Government during the War and the Union of Zemstvos. New Haven, London: Yale University Press; H. Milford.
Struve, Petr. 1917. “Past and Present of Russian Economics.” Russian Realities & Problems, edited by J. D. Duff, 47-82. Cambridge: University Press.
Polner, T. I., V. A. Obolenskiĭ, and Sergeĭ Petrovich Tiurin. 1930. Russian Local Government during the War and the Union of Zemstvos. New Haven, London: Yale University Press; H. Milford.
Gronskiĭ, Pavel P., and N. I. Astrov. 1929. The War and the Russian Government. The Central Government. New Haven, London: Yale University Press ; H. Milford, Oxford University Press, for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of Economics and History.
Kohn, Stanislas, and A. F Meyendoff. 1932. The Cost of the War to Russia. the Vital Statistics of European Russia during the World War, 1914-1917.
Nolʹde, B. Ė. 1928. Russia in the Economic War. Yale University Press.
Zagorskiĭ, S. O. 1928. State Control of Industry in Russia during the War. New Haven, London: Yale University Press ; Humphrey Milford : Oxford University Press for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of Economics and History.
Michelson, A., Vladimir Nikolaevich Kokovtsov, P. N. Apostol, M. V. Bernatskīĭ, and Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Division of Economics and History. 1928. Russian Public Finance during the War : Revenue and Expenditure. New Haven, London: Yale University Press ; H. Milford.
Siniavskii, Andrei
Siniavskiĭ, A. 1997. The Russian Intelligentsia. New York: Columbia University Press.
Small, Melvin, and J. David Singer
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Sochor, Zenovia A.
Sochor, Zenovia A. 1988. Revolution and Culture: The Bogdanov-Lenin Controversy. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Soiuz Osvobozhdeniia [Union of Liberation]
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Solov’ev,Vladimir Sergeyevich
Solovyov, Vladimir Sergeyevich. 1950. A Solovyov Anthology. Edited by S. L. Frank. Translated by Natalie Duddington. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Solovyov, Vladimir Sergeyevich, and Vladimir Wozniuk. 2000. Politics, Law, and Morality : Essays. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Solovyov, Vladimir. 1965. “Beauty, Sexuality, and Love.” In Ultimate Questions : An Anthology of Modern Russian Religious Thought, edited by Aleksandr Shmeman, 74-134. [1st ed.]. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
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Solovyov, Vladimir Sergeyevich. 1948. Russia and the Universal Church. Translated by Herbert Rees. London: Geoffrey Bles : Centenary Press.
Solovyov, Vladimir Sergeyevich, Alexander Bakshy, and C. T. Hagberg Wright. n.d. War, Progress, and the End of History, Including a Short Story of the Anti-Christ.
Solzhenitsyn, Alexander Isaevich
Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr Isaevich and Rebecca Frank. 1968. The Cancer Ward. New York: Dial Press.
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Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr Isaevich. 2002. The Gulag Archipelago 1918-1956 : An Experiment in Literary Investigation. 1st Perennial Classics ed. New York: Perennial.
Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr Isaevich. 1972. August 1914. Translated by Michael Glenny. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr Isaevich, and H. T. Willetts. 1999. November 1916. 1st American ed. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Leontovitsch, Victor, and Aleksandr Isaevich Solzhenitsyn. 2012. The History of Liberalism in Russia. Translated by Parmen Leontovitsch. Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press.
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Brovkin, Vladimir N. 1997. The Bolsheviks in Russian Society : The Revolution and the Civil Wars. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
McNeal, Robert Hatch. 1959. The Russian Revolution; Why Did the Bolsheviks Win? New York: Rinehart.
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Ponomarev, B. N. 1960. History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Translated by Andrew Rothstein. Moscow: Foreign Languages Pub. House.
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1961: 1962. Russia Enters the 1960s : A Documentary Report on the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Edited by Harry Schwartz. [1st ed.]. Philadelphia: Lippincott.
Ponomarev, B. N., Andreĭ Andreevich Gromyko, and V. M. Khvostov, eds. 1969. History of Soviet Foreign Policy. Moscow: Progress Publishers.
Ponomarev, B. N. 1974. A Short History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 2nd ed. rev. Moscow: Progress Publishers.
McNeal, Robert Hatch. 1972. Guide to the Decisions of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 1917-1967 : [Ukazatelʹ Resheniĭ Kommunisticheskoĭ Partii Sovetskogo SoiUZa, 1917-1967]. [Toronto]: University of Toronto Press.
Kommunisticheskaia partiia Sovetskogo Soiuza, and Robert Hatch McNeal. 1974. Resolutions and Decisions of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Daniels, Robert Vincent, and University of Vermont. 1985. A Documentary History of Communism. Rev. ed. Hanover: Published for the University of Vermont by University Press of New England.
Daniels, Robert Vincent. 1988. A Documentary History of Communism. Updated, rev. ed. Hanover, N.H.: Published for the University of Vermont by University Press of New England.
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Clark, Katerina, E. A. Dobrenko, Andreĭ Artizov, and Oleg V. Naumov. 2007. Soviet Culture and Power : A History in Documents, 1917-1953. Translated by Marian Schwartz. New Haven: Yale University Press.
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Joseph Stalin Internet Archive
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Stead, William Thomas
Baylen, Joseph O., W. T. Stead, Marīia Ḟeodorovna, and Nicholas. 1969. The Tsar’s “Lecturer-General” : W.T. Stead and the Russian Revolution of 1905, with Two Unpublished Memoranda of Audiences with the Dowager Empress Marie Fedorovna and Nicholas II. Atlanta: [School of Arts and Sciences, Georgia State College].
Stolypin, Petr Arkad’evich
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Zenʹkovskiĭ, A. V., Philip E. Mosely, Marina Stolypina Bock, and Serge A. Zenkovsky. 1986. Stolypin: Russia’s Last Great Reformer. Translated by Margaret Patoski. Princeton, N.J.: Kingston Press.
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SAC LOOP on “Tocqueville” includes E-TXT~ of main titles above
Tolstoy, Leo
Tolz, Vera
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Trotsky, Leon LOOP
Trotsky, Leon. 1969. Writings of Leon Trotsky. [English-Language Translations]. Edited by George Breitman, Evelyn Reed, and Bev Scott. 1st ed.]. New York: Pathfinder Press.
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Trotsky, Leon. 1970. My Life: An Attempt at an Autobiography. New York: Pathfinder.
STUDENT REVIEW =
Leon Trotsky was not raised to be a revolutionist. He was not embroiled in the social dramas that tend to mold a young man into political turmoil. His father did not inspire orators of the past with speeches of grandeur to lead his son to a promised land. His mother did not sob about the injustices of a harsh land, harsh weather, and an even more harsh social system. He was instead raised amongst a monotonous deluge of farm work, hunting, and late night conversation to pass one day to the next more seamlessly. Yet, this upbringing did ultimately spawn into that of a revolutionist. Why? What led him to oppose the norms, expect changes, and then, act on those beliefs? Leon Trotsky did not gravitate towards revolutionary aims because he was led that way, he gravitated towards them because the social inequalities that he witnessed during the time of his youth in the city, as well as, in the country.
Leon’s childhood was full of many contradictions. He grew up in Yanovka, a village that was named after the landlord Yanovsky, located in western Russia. His father, a Jew, had purchased many acres before the progroms of 1881 that restricted the obtaining of land by peoples of Jewish descent. They lived a very simple life. Yet, they were well off for the times. The way Leon puts it is that “one measured profit or loss with the eye. For that very reason, it would have been difficult to fix the extent of father’s fortune.”(Trotsky, 7) He never really knew their financial position because his father did not believe in wasting money on anything that was not necessary. All the while, his parents could afford an education for Leon, send him to the city, allow him to immerse himself a different social culture than the one that he had learned on the farm. Through this social comparison, his views on the world began to expand, and his obligation to incite change began to grow.
This reading helps us define Russian political culture by the study of contrast. The relation between the haves and the have nots. During the late nineteenth century, in Russia, you did not want to be a have not, yet, most were. In this occasion you have a Jewish family, one of the general have nots of this period, being land owners. Not only did his family own a large amount of land, but also owned one of the only wheat mills in the area. “The peasants often used to wait at the mill for weeks to have their grain ground.” (Trotsky, 9) They had a machine shop. They were the haves of their village yet on a national scale, they were isolated. When Alexander II was assassinated, there was very little talk at the table. There was only their life, their situation. Leon did not see the oppression that was happening all over Russia, he saw the way that his father treated the workers. He saw the way their wages could be changed because of semantics and that their was nothing that could be done once his father made a decision. This effected Leon. He began to help out others even at the behest of his father. He was caught writing a letter for a maid and was told to not do that again. He writes that “the bewildering wrong side of life, recognized neither at home nor at school, did not however cease to exist because of that, and proved sufficiently powerful and all-pervading to command my attention.” (Trotsky, 45) This shows his defiance to the culture that his father has set, and inspires visions of his future.
The insights that are gained from Leon’s childhood grow mostly from the contrasts between his time on the farm and his time at school. At home, Leon was a farm kid. He enjoyed working in the machine shop, chopping grain, trying to make his mom laugh, and drinking warm tea. Though, things changed for Leon when he began to receive an education. The contrast became apparent. First, there were regulations for Jews when it came to getting an education. Only ten percent of applicants accepted to the school could be Jewish. This was a lesson in political culture in itself. He realized that while he loved the education, he cared very little for his teachers. He was not very found of his classmates as well. One instance seems to have shaped him and his views on his classmates and thus his peers permanently. He was the leader of a classroom gag on his teacher. When the next day he realized he was fingered as the initial inciter, he had a hard time finding forgiveness. When he returned to school the next year he had not forgot. He “met most of the boys who had either betrayed me, or defended me, or had remained neutral. This determined my personal relations for a long time. Some boys I cut completely; with others who had supported me during these trying moments, I became even more friendly.” (Trotsky, 72) This shows his ability to trust, yet only once it is earned. This is a valuable trait to a person amongst revolutionists. But this was school, he had yet to form a view on politics. In fact, he says “during my school years I held no political views, nor for that matter had I any desire to acquire them. At the same time my subconscious strivings were tinged by a spirit of opposition. I had an intense hatred of the existing order, of injustice, of tyranny.”(Trotsky,90) He goes on to say that “my political frame of mind while at school was vaguely oppositionist, but no more than that.” (Trotsky,95) He really shows a slow burn towards a revolutionists mindset. Then, something that still vividly dances in Leon’s mind, “in february, 1897, a woman student, Vetrova, burned herself to death in the Peter-Paul fortress.” (Trotsky, 104) He then tells Grigory Sokolovsky that it is time to get started. With these words Leon Trotsky was on his was way, and he would soon find that many others felt the same.
The books main points relate to references in the monographs by examining the social structure between the elite and the lower classes. In “Pre-soviet Russian concepts of civil society and their legacy, Prof. Kimball wrote that “the whole social structure was held at arms length form the levers of political power and thus control over its own social identity and political destiny.” (Kimball) Politics controlled nearly all social aspects of life. It was this control that started to weigh heavy on Trotsky. His teachers had control over him, yet he had no control over his teacher. When a teacher gives no explanation as to why he has not returned graded papers, Leon is left to only wonder why. When he pries further to find the answer, he is met with anger and given no satisfaction. This seems to be an anecdote for the way politics are ran in Russia of this time. Kimball also wrote that “a stiff and artificial social structure locked Russians in suffocating assigned and hierarchical categories.” (Kimball) Trotsky knew all about this concept. He was labeled from the beginning for being a Jew. He was labeled for being amongst the farming class of peoples. These labels were not meant to be removed. They were not meant to be overcome. They were meant to hold you in a controllable position in society. Without land the Jews cannot grow and prosper. Without an education the lower class cannot enlighten themselves. Without money the peasants cannot afford to sway from the blanket of security in which the Russian government can provide. These are all methods of oppression that were being used on anyone and everyone during Leon Trotsky’s lifetime. To sum it up, “They were generally excluded from opportunities of recruitment into higher positions.” (Kimball)
In conclusion, Leon Trotsky was not born a revolutionist. He was not raised a revolutionist. He was not trained to be a revolutionist. He was a young man from humble beginnings who grew during a time of oppression. He witnessed the mistreatment of his fathers workers, mistreatment of the school kids by those who meant to govern, and most of all, mistreatment by his own nation and the police that took without asking, killed without explanation, and acted without consequence. It was these things that he witnessed, paired with the unexplained self-immolation burning of a young woman, that finally sent him on a path of change. That path led to more change than just himself. It led to revolution.
Trotsky, Leon. 1971. “An Analysis of the Bolshevik Revolution.” In The Russian Revolution of 1917 : Contemporary Accounts, edited by Dimitri von Mohrenschildt, 258-267. New York: Oxford University Press.
Trotsky, Leon. 1972. The Revolution Betrayed: What Is the Soviet Union and Where Is It Going? 5th ed. New York: Pathfinder Press.
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Trotsky, Leon, Kunal Chattapadhyay, and Paul Le Blanc. 2012. Writings in Exile. London: Pluto Press.
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Trotsky, Leon, George Breitman, and George Saunders. 1977. Portraits, Political & Personal. 1st ed. New York: Pathfinder Press.
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Trubetskaia, Olga Nikolaevna
Trubetskaia, O. N. “Iz perezhitogo.” In Sovremennye zapiski, 1937, no. 64, 277-318.
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Trubetskoi, Evgenii. 1990. “The Bolshevist Utopia and the Religious Movement in Russia.” In A Revolution of the Spirit : Crisis of Value in Russia, 1890-1924, edited by Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, and Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak, 323-338. 2nd ed. New York: Fordham University Press.
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The collection of essays by the esteemed linguist Nikolai Trubetskoi entitled “The Legacy of Genghis Khan” describes his less well-known views as a participant in the movement in the early 20th century Russian intelligentsia community known as “Eurasianism.” His main points are outlined in the essays, “On True and False Nationalism,” “The Legacy of Genghis Khan: A Perspective on Russian History,” and, perhaps to a lesser extent, “The Upper and Lower Stories of Russian Culture” and “At The Door: Reaction? Revolution?”
His first main point discusses the “wrong path of European culture” described by the Eurasianist movement, or what he deems true and false nationalism. Essentially, his argument is such that every individual should be self-aware and strive to be unique – and that all nationals of such individuals should strive to do the same. He stresses three types of false nationalism. The first involves the downplaying of one’s own unique culture, in striving to resemble the Romano-Germanic “Great Powers,” while the second, which he labels “militant chauvinism,” is ostensibly the opposite – claiming that one’s own unique culture is somehow superior to others and attempting to force assimilation of “inferior” cultures to one’s own. “Cultural conservatism” is his last false nationalism, or the attempt to identify uniqueness of culture of patterns or culture from a nation’s history without account for the passage of time. He asserts that Russia in the post-Petrine era falls in the most former category, or that any Russian “nationalism” since that time has been merely a thinly veiled attempt at being more European and not “nationalism” at all.
He then moves to discuss what nationalism should mean to Russia in the post-Petrine period, after Peter introduced the dangerous false nationalism and idealization of European culture that divided the upper and lower classes of Russia and the old Rus’ from the new Russia. It is his assertion that this nationalism should be determined by the very unique development of Russian history, that it is to say, that the Russian state should not be assumed to have risen from the ashes of even Kievan Rus’, but that “Russia-Eurasia” is the rightful heir of the Golden Horde and the legacy of Genghis Khan. Russia, then, is not European (or Asian, really), but Eurasian, and it is from this point that the views of the Eurasianists stem.
The final very important point is a more abstract one, discussed in his essay, “At the Door: Reaction? Revolution?” After a discussion of the differences between leftist and rightist ideologies, he explains that European history has travelled along a practically straight line a leftward direction (democracy-socialism-communism, constitutional monarchy-democratic republic-Soviet Federal Socialist Republic). This hypothetical line, however, is not infinite and has, the Eurasianists believe, reached its end, and that these leftist ideologies are becoming decrepit, deteriorating. It seems then, that as the younger generations look begin to look back to the right, the future will lead to reactionary rightism, but he does not believe historical development can return on the same line – instead, he believes that this will not be reactionary except in optical illusion, but will be rather a jump to a whole new line, a whole new plane. In order to move forward, he asserts, the creation of something new in place of a used-up history is necessary. The European ideological path has reached its end, and should be abandoned in favor of something new.
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Weber, Max. 1989. „Russlands Übergang zum Scheinkonstitutionalismus.“ In Zur Russischen Revolution von 1905 : Schriften Und Reden, 1905-1912, edited by Wolfgang J. Mommsen, and Dittmar Dahlmann, 293-684. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck.
Weber, Max, Gordon C. Wells, and Peter Baehr. 1995. The Russian Revolutions. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.
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Max Weber’s work Russian Revolutions come as a four-part collection of his Russianist essays. These four essays can generally be split into two distinct categories of both topic and length, based on two different thematic moods that run through Weber’s works as a result of world events happening during the different periods in which the essays were written. The essays’ topics illustrate to the reader the gradual transition of a political culture still roughly confined to a small group of literate political activists and the Tsarist bureaucracy in 1905 into a relatively larger body of the Russian public in 1917.
The first group is comprised of the two larger essays covering the Russian revolutions in 1905: “Bourgeois Democracy in Russia” and “Russia’s Transition to Pseudo-constitutionalism.” The general mood that runs through these two texts can be described as an expression of Weber’s sympathy to the plight of idealistic liberalism struggling in the Russian Empire. Beginning with “Bourgeois Democracy in Russia,” Weber deals with the conflicts and dilemmas facing the anti-autocratic movement, followed by “Pseudo-democracy in Russia,” which is more centrally focused on the mechanisms of the Tsarist political system.
Following Russia’s defeat in the 1905 Russo-Japanese War, Tsar Nicholas II moved to stabilize his regime by alleviating the pressure of liberal reform movements (the core of which were the local administrative zemstvos) by offering some kind of accommodation – to no avail. The reformists pressed hard for the establishment of civil liberties and a functioning parliament but continue to be unsatisfied with offers made by the autocracy. Culminating with the 9/22 January “Bloody Sunday,” in which civil liberties demonstrators were massacred outside the Tsar’s Winter Palace in St. Petersburg, the ensuing upheaval finally extracted a promise from the autocracy for the civil rights of freedom of thought, speech, assembly/association, as well as a promise of habeas corpus and increased popular representation, coupled with a provision calling for all Imperial laws to be approved by the Imperial Duma – promises that have been attributed to an attempt by Nicholas II and Count Sergei Witte to split the opposition into liberal reformists and Marxist radicals.
[wrx&REV=] Weber saw this episode as an indication that the Tsar had alienated his subjects beyond the possibility of compromise, though Weber conceded that the fall of the Tsar, however inevitable, would still require a war. Weber goes on to describe three elements of the liberal-democratic forces that would be responsible for pushing Russia towards federalist democracy once the autocracy crumbled. Those three elements are:
1. The bourgeois “status-group,” who could be considered bourgeois in “attitude to life and education” and should be distinguished from the industrial bourgeois social class that possessed an inconsistent commitment to notions of liberal constitutionalism, often even expressing overt hostility to it.
2. Landed members of the zemstvos, members of the Union of Liberation and the Constitutional Democratic Party.
3. The quasi-proletarian intelligentsia, such as doctors, teachers, journalists, etc.
The accomplishments of these three different elements, particularly through acts by the zemstvos in the fields of education, health and road construction despite obstruction by the autocracy, Weber claims, flew in the face of assertions that the Russians were unable to exercise effective self-governance. However, despite these accomplishments, Weber sees only a slim chance of a successful establishment of a liberal-democracy in Russia, as any improvement in the status of peasants was more likely to aid communist radicals rather than liberal reformers. Additionally, liberal reform movements faced obstacles from the Church, which had high resistance to change; difficulties arising from the peasant class, which was already experienced with concepts of communism and wary of notions of individualism; the challenge of cooperation from a volatile petty bourgeoisie; and the opposition by socialist radicals opposed to ideas of a necessary “bourgeois step” preached by Marxism.
In the second essay, “Pseudo-democracy in Russia,” Weber examines the political systems of the Tsarist regime, particularly by focusing on the “interim ministry,” which refers to the period of time between Count Sergei Witte’s appoitment to the position of Premier in October 1905 to his resignation in April 1906.
Reeling from concessions made to the reformers, Nicholas worked to reinstate his authority through the cooperation of the Cossacks, police and army in instituting harsh repression upon perceived threats to the established power structure. Running parallel to these more aggressive endeavors was the task undertaken by the government to “create institutions which would give the outward impression abroad that the Manifesto of 17 October was being carried out, though without seriously jeopardizing the power of the bureaucracy.” Weber points out that the motives for presenting an image of a flowering Russian democracy were rooted in Russia’s status as a “debtor state.” As a debtor state, Russia relied heavily on foreign investments and loans, whose preconditions demanded social order and a western-style constitution.
In actuality it was inevitable that those rights granted in the October Manifesto would amount to nothing more than an empty promise, as the protection of such rights requires certain institutional structures that Russia lacked. As Weber explains, rights such as habeas corpus “assume the existence of bodies with constitutionally guaranteed independence, which can exercise effective control of the administration.” Rather than establish such bodies, Weber continues, the imperial bureaucracy only had “police interests.”
To further ensure the ineffectiveness of any popular representation in government, the administration coupled its promises of strengthening the Imperial Duma’s governmental oversight abilities with an electoral process so complicated so as to confound attempts to turn the Duma into a successful means of popular expression. The additional prohibition of political meetings eventually convinced the public that “whatever the bureaucracy banned must necessarily be something excellent.”
In the end, the duality of granting and promising specific civil liberties while simultaneously taking such extravagant efforts to render those liberties ineffectual proved to be so much more destructive to the bureaucracy and bred so much more hatred among imperial subjects than outright repression. It was by this practice that Weber claims the bureaucracy established a superficial pseudo-democracy rather than instituting genuine reforms.
The second part of “Russian Revolutions” comprises two significantly smaller essays: “Russia’s Transition to Pseudo-democracy” and “The Russian Revolution and Peace.” Contrary to the two earlier essays, these later works began in 1917 and have been said to display a strongly nationalistic, defensive side to Weber, wary and pessimistic of notions of a Russo-Germanic peace arising out of the Russian Revolutions of 1917. For Weber, the success of the 1917 revolutions was particularly shocking for three main reasons:
1. The Stolypin agrarian reforms had so definitively split the peasant classes into two categories: those with land and the mass of the poor and land-hungry.
2. Despite significant growth since the 1905 revolutions, the body of radicalized proletariats was still quite small.
3. Those radicalized proletariats were unable to establish a lasting alliance with the bourgeois, whose credit was necessary to finance “the organization of a permanent administration.”
[wrx&REV=] Despite the successful destruction of the Tsarist autocracy, Weber still saw little hope of the forging of a peace agreement between Germany and Russia (which he saw as Germany’s chief threat due to Russia’s explosion in population) because of the disinterest in peace expressed by the Provisional Government under Miliukov. As Weber saw it, the radical elements of the Duma and bigger landowners supporting the Provisional Government had identified two main benefits to the continuation of the war:
1. The war would keep revolutionary elements of the peasant class occupied in the trenches and contained within a system of military discipline.
2. The foreign banks, whose funds the Provisional Government relied on, would only grant loans if the peasants were suppressed and Russia remained in the war.
Weber was equally pessimistic of the motives and ability of the Petrograd Soviet to generate a significant shift in what Weber saw as a tendency towards imperial expansionism. Weber expands on this concern by describing a test of imperialism for the Soviet’s chairman, Chkheidze: “Does the politician in question restrict himself to cleaning up his own backyard, i.e. to creating a democracy within his own country or not? If he does not, he is an imperialist, whether or not he intends to be.” Citing Chkheidze’s call for the Germans to depose the Kaiser as a failure of the test, Weber pushes his offensive, stating “whether Russian imperialism takes a despotic, a liberal or a socialist form is neither here nor there.”
All in all this left Russia waiting for a real federalist democracy, rendering the current state of political limbo a “pseudo-democracy,” leaving a lingering threat to liberal democratic ideals and dashing hopes of a swift end to Russia’s participation in the Great War.
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Veidle described the tragic evolution of a Russian popular culture that was very low and flat but immensely broad, a concept reminiscent of Dostoevsky’s idea of широкая натура (wide nature). He observed how an astonishingly high culture emerged from this flat popular base—a thin, unstable line of creative brilliance reaching the loftiest heights, yet with weak roots in the broader popular culture. Both popular culture and high civilization were to be admired for their respective contributions to national life, but issues arose from their minimal interaction. In a healthy national environment, high and low culture would nurture each other. However, in Russia, high culture was alien to, and alienated from, the broader culture, making it unstable in its connection with “the people.”
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