The bond between people and land has been essential to Oregon’s history since it’s statehood in 1859. As the state developed an industry reliant on timber, fur, and salmon, people started to value the land even more (Working: Oregon’s Economy). The years passed by with some conflict over the land, mainly because of the forced relocation of Native Americans. This soon created tension between many of the progressive hippies who wanted to save the land and those that profited off of it. The 1980s were a changing time in America, politically split unlike before. This opened a space for conservative values even though so many progressives had spent years fighting it. To this day, urban Oregon holds progressive views compared to most rural Oregon which holds conservative values. Movements have come and gone, leaving their mark of Oregon lands, figuratively and literally. We can look to groups such as Rajneeshpuram, Earth Liberation Front, and the occupation of Malheur National Wildlife Refuge for examples of how the land has been abused and used as a political motivator in Oregon. As the 2000s approached, Portland shifted to a technology-based industry, leaving the eastern and southern regions still fighting over the usage of the land, especially by the government. Culturally, economically, socially, and politically, land continues to be the most prevalent motive and resource for Oregonians. The public reaction to these groups has been similar, however, the consequences they faced were far different. In the 1980s when these outcast movements arose, the Oregon legal courts and the state government were not prepared, leaving those Oregonians left to shape this part of our history. The land is one of the most important resources in Oregon leading to the rise of radical movements in which land is being used as a political weapon against the government.

Rajneeshpuram’s Biological Terrorism

Rajneeshpuram was formed by spiritual leader Osho (formerly known as Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh) during the 1970s in Mumbai, India. Once being let go from his teaching position in Jabalpur, India, he decided to pursue his spiritual interests. He started recruiting followers called neo-sannyasins in India but the climate there caused health complications for him. He came to the United States on a medical visa with his secretary Ma Anand Sheela, and by 1981 he established a religious commune called Rajneeshpuram; the land had been purchased by Ma Anand Sheela’s husband for 5.75 million. It was located in Antelope, Oregon, an area full of blue-collar workers who worked in agriculture or machinery (Way, 2018). Quickly, the commune gained a lot of hostile attention from the surrounding city. 1000 Friends of Oregon, a private non-profit organization, attempted many legal actions to get Rajneeshpuram to remove many of its structures (Rajneesh Legal Services Corporation, 1981). The organization stressed that the city planning would be ruined if the government continued to let Rajneeshpuram build as they pleased. While the organization was not successful in shutting the commune down, it did attract the attention of the Oregon legislature. The legislature passed bills such as HB 3080 which limited Rajneeshpuram’s growth; we can infer this was a direct action against Rajneeshpuram as they were the only city affected (Rajneesh Legal Services Corporation, 1981). The tension continued to grow as the Rajneeshee’s felt they were being restricted while the state government felt threatened by the growing religious movement. The final break was when leaders of the commune attempted to poison The Dalles residents to win the Harney county election along with the attempted assassination of Charles Turner, the United States Attorney for the District of Oregon (Way, 2018). Their attempt to gain authority in Oregon failed miserably, leaving neo-sannyasin’s in the dark while the leaders secretly left the commune as figures like Oregon Attorney General Dave B. Frohnmayer became suspicious that Rajneespuram was responsible for this (David Frohnmayer Papers, 1946).

Rajneeshpuram is a clear example of how a movement can take advantage of land to gain political power. Bhagwan was not just there to spread love and peace, he had a higher ideology he believed was best for the world. He believed that push towards socialism would destroy the world; that socialism could only emerge once capitalism was fully done maturing. We can see this belief displayed through his actions such as purchasing luxurious items like Rolls-Royce’s frequently. He set-up this utopian-like society where neo-sannyasins could commit to a form of socialism where there was no need for money. Everything was done collectively as a community to keep everything functioning without the need for anyone to keep money, except for the leaders (Way, 2018). Politically, this belief didn’t fall in one specific area, it wasn’t socialist because they supported the wealthy and large corporations while they weren’t communist because they supported private land. However, outside of capitalism, most of the group’s beliefs fell into left-leaning characteristics such as healthcare for all, good education, and love above all. These beliefs pushed the group to Oregon, a state with overall very relaxed people that was just leaving the “golden age”. The governor, Vic Atiyeh, wasn’t widely supported so this torn government created more accessibility for religious cults to form. The state was not abrasive or fast-acting around this situation, creating a larger gap between U.S. political parties. Bhagwan and his followers believed they could take over the county government first because it was not a densely populated area. Then, they could continue to grow their commune and acquiring more land to get more votes during state elections. They did this by bussing in many homeless individuals from all over the U.S., taking care of them under the money system, and then making them vote for Bhagwan in the elections. Their final goal was for him to become Oregon’s governor, implementing his ideological values that would save the citizens of Oregon. Rajneespuram utilized their land to create a self-sustaining economy (outside of land tax); they grew their food, raised animals, built living quarters, and made material goods (Rajneesh Artifacts and Ephemera Collection, 1981). By declaring the land as a part of the US Foundation to limit the taxes they would owe, they took advantage of the government. This designation also made it much harder to limit the actions or try to fully stop the commune from operating. They also used their land to develop the salmonella strain that would poison the residents of The Dalles. By having a private area with no inspection or intervention from state authorities (as they had no warrant to search any land), they gave the Rajneeshee’s a prime opportunity to develop biological weapons. The state government was grossly unprepared to handle a religious cult, let alone biological terrorism.

Turning points occurred in the state government, Republican Governor, Vic Atiyeh, who was present during Rajneeshpuram was soon voted out in 1987. With controversial Democrat, Neil Goldshmidt, taking his place, we saw a government more aware of radical action. As Governing Oregon mentions, environmental action within the government began as early as 1984. Governor LaFayette Grover helped protect the state’s salmon supply, as it was one of our critical incomes (Bowersox, 2018: pg. 211). Even with this though, the 1970s solidified an attitude towards the productivity of timber plants. The Oregon Forest Practices Act protected these detrimental industries and, “As a result, and much like other natural resource management approaches at the time, it was unsurprisingly responsive to industry’s desire to have management rules that facilitated growth and economic productivity by emphasizing preharvest planning and postharvest reforestation at industrial densities” (Bowersox, 2018: pg. 220).

Earth Liberation Front’s Ecological Terrorism

While Bhagwan and Sheela were viewed as biological terrorists, members of the Earth Liberation Front were viewed as ecological terrorists. This group left their mark on Oregon, literally, by committing acts of arson as a tactic to cause economic sabotage against large lumber corporations, especially in Southern Oregon. “If a Tree Falls” shows the increasing tension between members of this radical group, along with their tension towards the government. Their collective fight against the destruction of the environment, mainly timber in Oregon, lead to the downfall of Daniel McGowan. He took on a leadership role within the movement, often leading to protests. One of the most well-known protests in when E.L.F. members along with other radicals joined in Downtown Eugene, Oregon to protest of cutting down of a historic tree. They used city-managed land to draw out a conflict between them and the police in hopes of catching enough attention from the government and residents to stop this environmental damage (Curry, 2011).

McGowan was also involved in several other crimes relating to the damaging the equipment of tree loggers on public land, being the lookout for the burning down of an Oregon timber plant, and committing acts of arson at Superior Lumber Company (in Glendale, Oregon) and Jefferson Poplar Farms (in Clatskanie, Oregon). The group made several significant mistakes such as targeting timber companies based on incorrect information. These companies did not have involvement in capitalistic, unethical practices. This led to increased involvement from the F.B.I. While McGowan had already separated himself from E.L.F. and returned home to Oregon, a fellow member Jake Ferguson sold out several members including McGowan. After years of legal battle, the court had decided he was guilty of conspiracy and arson. What came as an even bigger surprise was that McGowan had received a terrorism classification and would be sent to a Communications Management Unit (Curry, 2011; D.C. District Court, 2011). Many were stunned at the severe treatment McGowan received for a highly undeveloped form of terrorism. However, whether or not McGowan was truly a terrorist, it is clear that he used private and public land to his advantage. He was able to express and force political opinions upon others through the destruction of the land. These havocs were displayed by the media, attracting the attention of every Oregonian. While people were divided on his conviction, an agreement could be found in E.L.F.’s mark on the Oregon timber industry. McGowan used the destruction of land as a way to scare tree loggers, harvesters, and farmers to stop their involvement in the industry.

Instead of getting scared however, many residents of Oregon fought back, pushing the government to find a solution. This is what led to McGowan’s downfall. While his intentions may have been pure, his actions were disliked by all. E.L.F. envisioned their choices would lead to a society willing to abstain from funding the industry, aware of the unethical practices. Instead, they put more pressure on the timber industry, forcing management to allow more unethical practices to keep up with the demand instead of solving the root of the issue, the dependency on paper or wood-based products. They used the land as a form of radical weapon instead of using it as the symbol for a change in society’s behavior. The land will continue to be abused by industries unless the people funding these industries realize the impacts.

Malheur’s National Wildlife Refuge Occupation

After the turning point of environmental management caused by E.L.F.’s actions, there was an increase of involvement from the government with “nearly 52 percent of the state’s landmass under federal ownership and management…” (Bowersox, 2011: pg. 211). With the United States Forest Service and Bureau of Land Management managing over 57% of Oregon forestland, many anti-government groups took concern (Bowersox, 2011: pg. 219). They felt the government was receiving too much control over land that meant for the public-use. By taking away the people’s ability to freely use that space, they have started to abuse power and authority that wasn’t given to them. Ammon Bundy and several other far-right and militia protestors entered the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge on January 6th, 2016. The protestors bunkered down as a way to express their anger at the federal government owning 73% of Harney County and demanded the land be returned to help revive the county economy through logging (Levin, 2016). By February 11th, 2016 all the protestors had either surrendered or been arrested, with one dying in by gunfire from a police officer after resisting to cooperate (“Law Enforcement Arrests…”, 2016). Afterward, a lot of attention from the media was garnered when the government chose to label the protestors as domestic extremists instead of terrorists. The public felt the Bundy’s and others were being given an easier punishment compared to many other non-violent groups (McWhorter, 2016).

Throughout the occupation, protestors were able to use federal-managed land to demonstrate their political beliefs. As most of the demonstrators held far-right beliefs, they believed in anti-government rhetoric. They believed the government was out to disadvantage small rural counties through their urban policies made to only benefit the progressives as the state was led by Democrat Kate Brown. By taking ahold of land meant to manage and maintain what they viewed to be “progressive policies” such as wildlife rehabilitation and population levels.  They didn’t view wildlife diversity to be necessary to the economy that they grew up around, logging. As the state shifted towards a more environmentally conscious approach via the power of the democrats, there was less of a focus to help the logging industry. Harney County’s economy shifted towards tourism which did not directly benefit the people, only public resources. The protestors believed it was unfair for the federal government to encroach on the industry that they depended on. This led to the relegalization of the value of the land.

All three of these groups stood their ground on Oregon’s land as a way to defend their political and ideological beliefs. As a way to gain power, the control of land and disruption of government became more attractive as a method of political protest from radical movements. They displayed anti-government opinions, all in the belief that their view was the best for the longevity of Oregon society. Even though Daniel McGowan was labeled as a terrorist at the time, with the updated Domestic Extremist Lexicon, he may have been described as an environmental extremist. Though it is important to note that the Lexicon views eco-terrorism to be interchangeable even though legally extremism is different from a terrorism label (Domestic Extremism Lexicon, 2009). Realistically, all three groups could have been labeled as extremists or terrorists, as there is no single definition for terrorism in the United States. It is based on a social idea or standard we have developed since 9/11 to apply to those we feel fits the description well enough. There is a major risk for bias here which we can see displayed through the arguments for Ammon and Ryan Bundy to be labeled as terrorists. When the Rajneeshpuram bioterrorism attack occurred, there was no department dedicated to terrorist activity, meaning there was no way for a terrorism label to be applied.  These movements all shared a lot of similar tactics to gain political power; for them it may not have been about the power exactly, but more about the representation they would finally receive through political power.

These movements employed similar radical strategies involving the exploitation of the land. Even in the case of the E.L.F., they exploited land that was growing fresh trees because they were against the capitalistic benefits of it. All of these groups used the land for a different political purpose, and none of them felt the same pain or shared the same stories. Individually unique, some groups used the land to argue different sides of the same issue. For example, E.L.F. used the land to argue against tree logging in Oregon (along with Washington and Colorado) yet, protestors occupied the wildlife refuge to support taking the land back for tree-logging. They both fought for the opposite side yet found value in the same thing, property. It wasn’t until 1998 when the Board of Forestry finally acknowledged that the greatest permanent value included noneconomic benefits too (Bowersox, 2018: pg. 221). Bhagwan led the neo-neo-sannyasins to believe in a capitalistic world, whereas E.L.F. was strongly related to the Red Scare, the fear of communist infiltration in the U.S. These groups had key differences in their compositions including socio-economic status, gender, age, religion, political party, and morals.

These movements created and influenced the lifelong history of Oregon. Land laws, terrorism classifications, and environmental policy have all changed due to the impact of these radical groups. They used the land to convey their anti-government beliefs, and all faced different consequences for doing so. Oregon’s shift from the golden era to a split state government to a progressive state has been a key reason for how these groups were able to form. When the focus is taken away from who is trying to take power, cracks are left for radical movements to fill. When the Democrats and Republicans could not cohesively agree on action to take against radical protest, they left the citizens vulnerable. Without the push from media to cover these groups, many of these events would have become hidden within the archives of Oregon newspapers. As time goes on, people are still finding ways to utilize the land for their political benefit, but the awareness around the value of land has become prominent to most Oregonians who value the appropriate treatment of our land. Oregonian’s public is one of the keys reasons why the exploitation of land has not become more dominant in our nature.

 

Works Cited

Bowersox, Joe. “Governing Oregon: Continuity and Change.” Governing Oregon: Continuity and Change, by Richard A. Clucas et al., Oregon State University Press, 2018, pp. 211–224.

Curry, Marshall, director. If a Tree Falls: A Story of the Earth Liberation Front. Prime Video, Amazon, 2011, www.amazon.com/If-Tree-Falls-Story-Liberation/dp/B006FTBZT0

D.C. District Court. Aref, Et Al. v. Barr, Et Al. 29 Mar. 2010.

“Domestic Extremism Lexicon.” U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 26 Mar. 2009.

“Law Enforcement Arrests Domestic Extremists for Illegal Occupation of Malheur National Wildlife Refuge.” Public Intelligence, 29 Jan. 2016, info.publicintelligence.net/DHS-FBI-OregonOccupation.pdf

Levin, Sam. “Oregon Militia Stand Their Ground but Local Residents Want ‘These Thugs’ Gone.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 9 Jan. 2016, www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/jan/09/oregon-militia-wildlife-refuge-harney-county-residents-wary

McWhorter, John. “Why We Don’t Call the Oregon Militia Members ‘Terrorists’.” Time, Time USA, LLC., 5 Jan. 2016, time.com/4167857/why-we-dont-call-the-oregon-militia-members-terrorists/

University of Oregon Special Collections & University Archives. David Frohnmayer Papers, 1946-2009. 1946.[1]

University of Oregon Special Collections & University Archives. Rajneesh Legal Services Corporation, Creator. Rajneesh Legal Services Corporation, and Archives West. Rajneesh Legal Services Corporation Records, 1981-1990 (Bulk 1981-1985). 1981.

University of Oregon Special Collections & University Archives. Rajneeshpuram Or, Rajneeshpuram (Or.). Rajneesh Artifacts and Ephemera Collection, 1981-2004. 1981.

Way, Chapman and Maclain Way, directors. Wild Wild Country, Season 1, Episode 1-6, Netflix, 16 Mar. 2018.

“Working: Oregon’s Economy.” Oregon Secretary of State sos.oregon.gov/archives/exhibits/ww1/Pages/before-work.aspx

[1] A lot of my work was supported by resources with the Rajneeshpuram Collection at the University of Oregon Special Collections & University Archives. I did previous research regarding the movement in 2018, and it has become my official CHC Thesis topic. I have tried to appropriately cite all my sources, however, as the archives are currently closed, I had to use photographs I took back in 2018 (with permission). For that reason, I do not have a box or call number available to cite. I hope you can understand, thank you.